

'! 



NARRATIVE 

OF THE 

PERSECUTION and IMPRISONMENT 
IN PORTUGAL, 

OF 

WILLIAM YOUNG, ESQ. 

H. P. BRITISH SERVICE • 
WITH SKETCHES OF THE 

STATE OF SOCIETY IN THAT COUNTRY, 
U DER DON MIGUEL, 

AND 

THE PRIESTHOOD. 



SECOND EDITION. 



LONDON: 
PUBLISHED FOR HENRY CO LB URN, 

BY R. BENTLEY, NEW BURLINGTON STREET. 

1833. 



CONTENTS. 



Page 



Introduction 1 

Narrative 11 

Chap. I. — Residence at Leiria : State of Society in that 
City ib. 

Chap. II. — Influence of the Priests over the Magistrates 
. . First Constitutional Charter, 1 820' 19 

Chap. III. — Don Miguel's Proclamation in 1824. Charge 
of innocent Individuals with being Freemasons 26 

Chap. IV. — Superstition of the lower Classes among the 
Portuguese . 35 

Chap. V. — Arrival of Don Pedro's Constitutional Char- 
ter from the Brazils, in 1826. , 41 

Chap. VI. — Arrival of Don Miguel in Lisbon, and 
his Reception by the Clergy and Corporate Chambers 
throughout the Kingdom 14 

Chap. VII. — State Prisoners in Portugal ; Intrigues of 
the Priests, and Proclamation of Don Miguel I. by the 
Rabble of Lisbon 49 

Chap. VIII. — Journey from Lisbon to Leiria; Arrest and 
Imprisonment in the Gaol of that City 59 

Chap. IX. — Arrival of the Royalist Troops at Leiria ; 

Brutal Treatment I received in the Goal of that Town. 70 
, Chap. X. — Infamous Conduct of the Portuguese Magis- 
trates, Clergy, and Rabble, under the Sanction of Don 
Miguel 79 

Chap. XI. — Insolence and Hypocrisy of the Priests; 
Examination before the Provincial Judge 82 



vi 

Page 



Chap. XII. —Preparation for ray removal to Lisbon ; 
Brutality of the Miguelites 91 

Chap. XIII. — Departure for Lisbon under Escort, and 
Arrival at the Castle of St. George 97 

Chap. XIV.— Prison in St. George's Castle, Lisbon ... 103 

Chap. XV. — Management and Condition of Prisons in 
Portugal ; Procession of Corpus Christi, with the 
Governor St. George 110 

Chap. XVI. — Horrors of Portuguese Imprisonment .... 119 

Chap. XVII. — Levy of Troops by Don Miguel ; Charac- 
ter of the Royalist Troops 126 

Chap. XVIII. — Departure of the English Squadron from 
the Tagus ; its Effects in Consolidating the Usurpation 
of Don Miguel 134 

Chap. XIX. — Protection of Murderers by the Corruption 
of Magistrates, and Cruelties practised on innocent Men 141 

Chap. XX — Imprisonment producing Madness; Ground- 
less Charges for Imprisonment; Transportation of 
Prisoners without Trial 154 

Chap. XXI. — Base Treachery of Don Miguel to the 
Garrison of Almeida 166 

Chap. XXII. — Ferocity of the Priests and their Tool 
the old Queen ; and Revengeful Character of Miguel 173 

Chap. XXIII. — Festival of St. Peter ; Suspicion of the 
Miguelite Faction 183 

Chap. XXIV. — Convict Physicians; Cruel Treatment 
of the Insane Prisoners 190 

Chap. XXV. — Quintino, an Officer in the Suite of Don 
Miguel, St. Georges Castle 196 

Chap. XXVI. — Murderers taking Sanctuary ; [Atrocious 
Conduct of the Clergy 210 

Chap. XXVII. — Portuguese Law Proceedings, and 

Mockery of Justice 218 

The Trial 227 

Conclusion 332 

Protest 336 

Appendix , 343 



INTRODUCTION. 



As all the injuries and persecution I have sus- 
tained in Portugal, have arisen solely on account 
of my being an English subject, and as such, 
suspected of being inimical to the detestable 
mental and political slavery which it is the con- 
stant object of the Catholic clergy to perpetuate, 
it will be proper to give a slight sketch of the 
despotism which these men exercise over the 
great mass of the Portuguese people, in order to 
render my " narrative" somewhat more in- 
telligible to the English reader. 

Having resided in Portugal, with little inter- 
mission, during the last twenty years ; having 

k B 



married a Portuguese lady, and lived in constant 
intercourse with persons of every class, both of 
the clergy and the laity, and being perfectly ac- 
quainted with the Portuguese language, I feel 
myself qualified to form a more accurate estimate 
of the Portuguese character and habits, and of 
the overwhelming influence of the clergy, than 
any native Portuguese, whose religious scruples 
and observances preclude him altogether from 
investigating the principles or the conduct of 
those who are appointed his spiritual directors, 
and of whose infallibility it is almost sacrilege to 
entertain the slightest doubt. 

So great, so universal, is this debasement of 
the human mind, under the discipline of the 
Romish Church in Portugal, that men of the 
most cultivated minds, in other respects, entertain 
an absolute dread of any inquiry into the moral 
character of their clergy. This feeling approaches 
more nearly to that awe and reverence with 
which the pious man contemplates the character 
or attributes of the Deity, than to the disposition 



3 

with which we discuss a question of merely human 
interest. 

It is difficult to explain this morbid reverence 
for men whose moral characters are frequently 
stained with the commission of almost every vice, 
and the remarkable absence of almost every virtue. 
I am inclined to ascribe it chiefly to fear : those 
demons never fail to excommunicate all those 
who are rash enough to dispute their infallibility. 
There are of course many exceptions to the rule, 
and I have had the good fortune to meet with 
some instances, among my own acquaintance, of 
men who are distinguished, both for moral in- 
tegrity, and great intelligence, under the disguise 
of the cowl and cassock of priestcraft. 

But I feel fully assured of being within bounds, 
when I assert that more than three-fourths of 
the regular and irregular clergy of Portugal, are 

men capable of conniving at, or practising every 
vice that disgraces human nature. 

I shall not take upon me to investigate the 
influence which these men must exercise over 

b 2 



4 

the female mind. It would tear asunder the veil 
which ought always to be preserved over 
female character, were I to repeat here all that 
has been related to me during my social inter- 
course with a very large circle of the more re- 
spectable Portuguese. 

But I must be permitted to state my perfect 
conviction, that no guarantee whatever can 
exist as to female honour or female purity, in a 

state of society where, under the mask of reli- 
gious duties, females of every class are subjected 

to the contamination of such men as the great 
majority of the Portuguese clergy ; to the abo- 
minable farce of confession, required by the Ca- 
tholic dispensation — a confession of offences, to 
whom? to men who are incomparably more 
immoral than all the other portions of the com- 
munity ! — Whether it can be possible that female 
innocence should remain uncontaminated by 
such a moral pestilence, I shall leave such of my 
readers to answer, as may be either parents or 
guardians of British youth. 



5 

These men, who envelope themselves in the 
exterior garb of sanctity, can scarcely be said to 
entertain any common feeling or sympathy with 
the rest of mankind. This, no doubt, is to be 
ascribed in a great measure to their education, 
and to the abominable discipline of their church, 
which forbids contracts in marriage with the 
opposite sex. 

Indeed, I have heard many of the more intel- 
ligent and respectable priests often deplore the 
hardness of their lot, in being excluded from the 
purest fountains of human bliss — connubial love 
and parental sympathies. But truth obliges me 
to repeat, that the vast majority, more especially 
of the irregular clergy of Portugal, are men un- 
qualified and incapable, from their vicious habits, 
of appreciating or enjoying the advantages of 
domestic obligations. 

The violation of both religious and moral 
duties by these men, would often consign them 
to that tribunal of justice which would serve , as 
a warning to others among the community, but 



for the shield which is invariably thrown over 
their atrocities by their colleagues, with the view 
of protecting their fraternity from the gaze of the 
public eye. 

I must reserve for a future opportunity, any 
detail of facts connected with the numerous atro- 
cities committed by these men under the mask 
of religion, as I intend to send another work to 
the press, at an early day, descriptive of the 
manners, habits, &c, of the Portuguese, But 
in the following pages, I trust I have shewn suf- 
ficient to prove, that the duplicity and scandalous 
intrigues of the clergy have one common object — - 
that of the aggrandizement of their own order, 
to the moral and political debasement of every 
other class of the community. 

With this view, they invariably stigmatize 
with the name of Freemason, every man who 

attempts, even in social or familiar conversation, 
to use any arguments in favour of religious or 
political freedom. Toleration, whether in mat- 
ters of faith, or affairs of Government, is a term 



7 

unknown in their nomenclature. Like their 
worthy fraternity in Austria, who stigmatize all 
men, except the most miserable bigots and 
slaves who bow the knee to priestcraft, with 
the name of Illuminati, and in the Italian 
States with the title of Carbonari, these inso- 
lent Portuguese friars and jesuits, uniformly 
apply the epithet Freemason, to every one that 
doubts their infallibility, although, in three 
cases out of four, they are entirely ignorant of 
the nature and object of masonic institutions ! 
Indeed, the great majority of the ignorant 
monks and friars of Portugal, consider the 
English Constitution and Freemasonry as one 
and the same ; and in the addresses and admo- 
nitions delivered to their ignorant flocks, these 
ministers of religion apply the most opprobrious 
terms when alluding to any thing connected with 
England or the cause of freedom. 

There is, beyond all doubt, a secret under- 
standing pervading the whole of the Portuguese 
clergy, that the system of tyranny practised 



8 

under the authority of the wretch Miguel, is in- 
dispensable for the preservation of their own 
body. That if once the Constitution of Don 
Pedro were allowed to take root in Portugal, 
there would be, at least, a check to the growth 
of that upas tree, which has poisoned society to 
its core, and which spreads its noxious branches 
over the fairest portions of Europe. 

The priests cannot claim, as in some other na- 
tions, even the merit of personal attachment to 
their monarch ; and I may be permitted to de- 
clare my thorough conviction, that a regard for 
the interests of religion, divested of sensual en- 
joyment and political influence, is scarcely to be 
found throughout the entire body of the Portu- 
guese clergy. They wish to perpetuate absolute 
tyranny in the government, in order to prolong 
their own tyranny and rapacity in their re- 
spective districts. Unless a desperate effort be 
made to rescue Portugal from the fangs of the 
second Nero, Don Miguel, we may expect, ere 



9 

many months elapse, to hear of the streets of 
Lisbon being deluged with blood. 

I feel myself, therefore, fully warranted in con- 
cluding, that the depravity, the intrigues, and 
the treachery of the Portuguese clergy, have 
been the immediate sources of the late disgrace- 
ful subversion of the Constitution, and of the 
elevation of Don Miguel to the seat of royalty :— 
this will, I hope, be fully established by the 
following " Narrative." 



NARRATIVE 



CHAPTER I. 

RESIDENCE AT LEIRIA : STATE OF SOCIETY IN THAT CITY. 

Previous to the narrative of facts connected 
with my trial for state offences in Portugal, it 
will be necessary to give a short detail of circum- 
stances leading to the period when I was ar- 
rested ; by which means the reader will be 
enabled to judge of the merits of my case, and 
without which, the very few persons in England 
who understand the Portuguese language tho- 
roughly, would be able to arrive at just conclu- 
sions on the subject. 

A mere translation of my trial, without the 
introductory matter I am about to give, would be 
of little interest to the public, and would only 
serve to confuse their ideas as to the actual state 
of Portugal, and the treatment I have received. 



12 

I shall execute my task in the briefest and most 
impartial manner, chiefly confining myself to 
facts which have occurred under my own eye, 
during my residence in Portugal. 

I have resided at Leiria since the peace of 
1814, and during that period have lived in con- 
stant friendship with the natives in general. I 
knew the Portuguese language well, before that 
time ; and I married a Portuguese lady in the 
beginning of the year 1811. With my connections, 
and the opportunities 1 have had of studying the 
manners, customs, and character of the natives 
(which I never lost any opportunity of doing), I 
feel myself competent to give such a statement 
of facts, as will shew the world how difficult, or 
rather impossible, it is for a liberal government 
to exist in a country where Popery, in its most 
degraded form, is the established religion. It is 
far from my intention to arraign, in the following 
pages, the principles of genuine religion, either 
under the form of the Protestant, or the Catholic 
persuasion: I war not against religion, but against 
the mask or semblance of religion, to cover moral 
turpitude, and enslave mankind. 

Yet I have no wish to evince the vindictive 
feelings towards my numerous friends among the 



13 

inhabitants of Leiria, who are members of the 
Catholic faith, which the pastors and preceptors 
of that religion evinced toward me, previous to 
and during my trial for offences against the 
state. 

Many of the clergy of Leiria and its vicinity 
are much indebted to me, and I flatter myself 
that I may term some of them my friends ; yet 
one only of them made any attempt to save me 
from persecution, which circumstance I shall 
hereafter particularize. 

I do not recollect, in a single instance, having 
quarrelled with any person during my long abode 
at Leiria, and I feel fully assured that I possess 
many friends in that city. 

The city of Leiria contains a population of 
about three thousand inhabitants. There is a 
cathedral, with a resident bishop, twelve canons, 
and other dignitaries of the church ; together with 
three convents of friars, and one of nuns. 

Leiria was totally destroyed by fire in the be- 
ginning of 1811, by the French, when they re- 
treated from the lines ; it was began to be rebuilt 
in 1813, by the Portuguese Government, but 
no improvements were made. The order was, to 
replace every thing as it was before ; but with 



14 



respect to dwelling-houses, it is necessarily much 
better than when I first knew it in 1809. 

When I arrived at Leiria in 1814, the 22d 
regiment of infantry entered about the same time, 
and from that period they have been called the 
Regiment of Leiria. It was natural I should, 
as a military man, become acquainted with them ; 
the officers by constantly associating with me, and 
the men by their working for me. 

The Portuguese soldiers, different from most 
other troops, are allowed to work where they 
please : even if they are ordered for guard, they 
may pay for the performance of their duty ; I 
have often paid one to mount guard for another, 
whom I wanted to work for me on my lands : and 
by these means I of course became acquainted 
with a considerable number of them. 

When I first arrived at Leiria, the place was 
rather dull; I always endeavoured to promote 
any kind of amusement ; and being rather of a 
lively disposition, I was generally applied to, and 
mostly at the head of every thing of the kind. It 
may appear superfluous to mention these frivolous 
matters, but it is necessary, as part of my political 
crime was that of building a theatre ! 

In the beginning of the year 1817, I proposed 



15 

a subscription for building the said theatre, in 
which amateurs only were to perform. This 
proposal was generally agreed to, and the theatre 
built accordingly, upon my plan, and under my 
sole direction. 

We performed from time to time, and this 
amusement made the hours pass very agreeably. 
We usually took a fortnight to rehearse a play, 
and to talk about it, and as much longer to discuss 
the merits of it afterwards. 

Some of the clergy, from a feeling of envy, did 
not approve of this, and took advantage, in the 
confession box, to intreat the people would not 
attend the theatre. Some complaints were made 
to the bishop, at least I have reason to suspect 
so ; for one day when I was in conversation with 
him, he asked me, how my theatre went on? 
and said, " it was necessary to be very cautious in 
the choice of plays and farces, for that many were 
unfit to be performed in Leiria ; but that, gene- 
rally speaking, he thought the drama instructive, 
and hoped I would continue my representations." 

I must say, the time passed pleasantly enough, 
and the people were, generally speaking, friendly 
to each other ; the only discussions among them 



16 

being occasioned by that pest of society — legal 
litigation. 

I have known a law-suit, for the value of rather 
better than a pound sterling, last for three years ! 
Still the inhabitants were comparatively happy ; 
the government had no opposition from them, 
and had little care to controul a people naturally 
subordinate to its dictates ; they had no means 
indeed of becoming more enlightened. 

The Lisbon Gazette, the only newspaper in the 
country, was then printed on half-a- sheet of white- 
brown paper, and I believe not more than three 
of them came at that time to Leiria. For my own 
part, I seldom looked at it, it contained little else 
than a few advertisements. I once, indeed, read 
an account of some strawberries, that had been 
seen, in the month of May, in a Mr. Vanstrofman's 
garden, at Copenhagen, which occupied at least 
one half of the paper. 

Such was the enslaved state of the press, that 
there were no means of laying open to the public 
eye, either the dark deeds of the corrupt magis- 
trates, or the peccadillos of the holy fathers of 
the church; they were only known in the little 
circle where they happened, and the familiars of 



17 

the Inquisition kept the people in perfect subjec- 
tion. 

Quiet and peaceable I have no doubt they 
would have remained many years longer, had not 
a British subject interfered, in a most unwarrant- 
able degree, in the internal affairs of Portugal. 
It was the general topic of conversation and uni- 
versally believed in Lisbon, that Madame L****, 
the wife of a Portuguese Count, had at her disposal 
certain places and preferments, which were within 
the reach of purchasers in all ranks of society, 
from a lamp-lighter in Patio de Saldanha, to a 
colonel in the army. It is impossible to know the 
parties who derived pecuniary advantage from the 
sale of these various offices, but it is well known 
that the count's wife and her gallant were busily 
employed in their dispensation. The clergy also 
had met with some insults from the countess's 
favourite, though they winked at it for reasons 
which will appear subsequently. 

There was also another, and a very strong class, 
the fidalgos or nobility, who thought themselves 
treated very unceremoniously by these intriguers. 

A fidalgo of Leiria told me himself he had 
been grossly insulted by hum Inglez mal criado, 
an Englishman badly educated ; he said, he had 

c 



18 

prepared his house for his reception at some 
trouble and expense. I inquired in what manner 
he had considered himself insulted ? He replied^ 
" the Senhor Inglez had thrown himself at 
length upon the sofa, and did not rise from that 
position when his sister spoke to him, but gave 
his answers to her as he lay in that very unbecom- 
ing situation and posture : however," he added, 
" it cannot last long ; you know what is going on 
as well as I do," 



19 



CHAPTER II. 

INFLUENCE OF THE PRIESTS OVER THE MAGISTRATES Z 
FIRST CONSTITUTIONAL CHARTER, 18"20. 

About this time an officer was dismissed the 
service for the whimsical offence of being too fat ; 
nothing more was alleged against him in the 
order of the day ; whether this order emanated 
from the lady-commander, or her gallant knight, 
was never exactly ascertained. The poor fellow 
rs, however, now, as thin as a skeleton. 

This "and similar transactions, which I could 
enumerate, had a great effect on all the intelligent 
Portuguese ; they knew the tyranny of their own 
countrymen, but dreaded that of a stranger. These 
matters will shew the origin of the revolution at 
Oporto, in August, 1820; and I will proceed to 
explain how the clergy acted, according to cir- 
cumstances. 

Any constitution would be supported by them 
€ 2 



20 

if they gained the least advantage by it. Many 
of them, at first, supposed they should, as it was 
rumoured they were to have better pay. 

The Constitutionalists spread it about that the 
curates, of the poorest class, were to have 400,000 
reis, about £90. sterling, annually ; this made 
most of them, for the moment, Constitutionalists ; 
and there can be no doubt, had that been done, 
it would have been more difficult to upset the 
Constitution. But, contrary to their interests, 
they neglected to pay the curates, and gave them 
a deal of trouble which they had not before. 

They were compelled to read to their parish- 
ioners, every Sunday and saint's-day, such new 
laws as had been made, and required to explain 
the same to those who could not read, which un- 
fortunately included the greatest portion of their 
parishioners. 

I was present at many of the readings in differ- 
ent parishes, and in different provinces, and was 
fully convinced, by the manner in w T hich they were 
explained, that the Constitution could not exist 
long, and signified the same to many of my 
friends, who will recollect my words when they 
read this. 



21 

I will endeavour to give, as correctly as I can, 
a translation of the words used in the explanation, 
which were similar, with very few exceptions, in 
all the provinces. 

After the curate had read the law, in so low a 
tone that few could hear it, he began to explain 
thus, shrugging his shoulders : — 

" You have heard rne read this paper. I am 
obliged to read it ; and you all know the necessity 
of obeying your superiors. Whatever is God's 
will, must be done. Patience ! ( shrugging again, 
and a pause ) — we should always believe, whatever 
punishment we receive, it is because we deserve 
it ; let it be for our sins and the love of God ; we 
are not to judge for ourselves. The king, who is 
empowered from heaven to rule over us on earth, 
is the only one we have to look to here ; the altar 
and the throne we have a right to defend ; have 
patience, and all will be remedied. Our Saviour 
was persecuted by the Jews ; they made laws to 
destroy him, and they have suffered for it ; the 
devil offered him the whole world, from the top 
of a mountain, and he refused it * so should you 
refuse that which you do not understand, for the 
devil appears in many shapes to deceive the inno- 



22 

cent. Let it be for the love of God. Such a day 
is fast day,'' &c. &c. &c. 

The friars met with insults from the Constitu- 
tionalists, and their future prospects appeared 
gloomy, for they soon found they had nothing to 
expect from a liberal government, which had 
given them a deal of trouble, and no advantages. 
Here was the great error (which may now be 
remedied, and I have no doubt will be, should 
liberty once more take Lusitania by the hand)— 
it was then the opinion of many persons, that 
more decisive measures should have been taken y 
as to the friars and the inferior clergy. Numerous 
spies crept into those secret meetings, and others 
entered them, thinking to make their fortunes. 

The holy fathers preached publicly, from the 
pulpit, against the^ constitution, and the confes- 
sion-boxes did more mischief than an army of 
occupation could have done in favour of it. Many 
will say, and I know do say, that the Portguese 
are not fit to receive a constitution: the same 
may be said of a boy who is going to school — he 
is not fit to receive the education intended for him, 
although it is necessary. 

I certainly believe, had they never had a con- 



23 

siitution, they would have been a happy people, 
which now they never can be, except under a 
liberal government. It will be said that I speak 
partially, from a wish to return to Portugal, I 
must confess that I like the country, and highly 
respect many worthy people who belong to it ; 
but I speak the truth when I say, were Don 
Miguel to offer me the liberty of returning to it, 
with the greatest advantages, I would not accept 
that offer, to forego the exposition of its priest- 
craft. 

I think it my sacred duty to expose the pro- 
ceedings of men who are combined, not only in 
Portugal, but all over the world, against the rest 
of mankind. Their charity is bounded solely by 
their own welfare, or the aggrandizement of their 
own fraternity. 

I will allow, that among the Catholics there are 
some most amiable, worthy men, but the priest 
does not, or must not, shew the least liberality. 
If any of the well-disposed priests shew the 
slightest inclination to favour a heretic, he is 
always reprimanded, and runs no small risk of the 
heavy displeasure of his superiors. 

I could prove what I have here said, by innu- 



24 

merable facts, bat shall not trouble the reader with 
more than is necessary to shew what they would 
do, if they had the power, against rational free- 
dom, and what they actually do to propagate 
ignorance and slavery, 

I shall say but little with respect to the first 
constitution in Portugal. The conduct of many 
of those entrusted with the government, would 
ill bear investigation ; and the only one who saved 
the country at that time, from the same scenes of 
distress it now suffers, was Don John the Sixth. 
Had his Majesty only consented to the terms the 
holy fathers wished, it might have all been well ; 
but he stood out against them, and his firmness 
on this point, it has been said, cost him his life.— 
How true that may be, I cannot say ; but I believe 
if they did not absolutely kill him, they frightened 
him to death. 

It is the general opinion among the Portu- 
guese, that O Senhor Inglez mal criado, already 
alluded to, has constantly carried on and still 
carries on, a correspondence with the old Queen 
Donna Carlotta, and that other Englishmen 
receive the correspondence by the packets, and 
forward them to their destination. I can, how- 



25 



ever, scarcely believe, that men with British 
blood in their veins would condescend to such 
baseness as to become the hirelings of such a 
nest of bloodhounds as the Apostolical Junta, 
now wielding the political power of Portugal. 



26 



CHAPTER III. 

DON MIGUEL'S PROCLAMATION IN 1824. CHARGE OF INNO- 
CENT INDIVIDUALS WITH BEING FREEMASONS. 

When Don Miguel's proclamation arrived at 
Leiria (I think on a Sunday in the beginning 
of May 1824), it was read at the head of the 
22d regiment, and caused a dreadful sensation : 
all Leiria trembled at it. It went to say, that 
the king had been surrounded by a faction which 
had been discovered ; that they were all Free- 
masons, and w^ould have murdered his royal 
father. He called upon the soldiers, and the 
people in general, to assist him in defending his 
father, the altar and the throne, and finished 
with threatening death to all Freemasons. 

This was read just before the regiment went 
to mass, and at the church door. I was present 
with many of the inhabitants— not a word was 
exchanged ; all was silent : and few words, I 



2? 

believe, were spoken during the whole of that 
day in Leiria. 

The thing, however, was prematurely got up : 
no plan had been concerted by the friends of 
Don Miguel ; they were not fully prepared : 
though that very evening a proscriptive list was 
begun by some of the most active of them, and 
the next day there were sixty persons on that 
list, all accused of being Freemasons. 

Every one of these prisoners was to have 
been taken to Peniche, where hundreds were 
already incarcerated, and it was the intention of 
the party to destroy them all. Many offered 
themselves at that time for hangmen : some of 
these I shall hereafter name. 

A deputation, consisting of a surgeon, an apo- 
thecary, and a lawyer, waited on the Bishop of 
Leiria, to congratulate him on the safe delivery 
of his Majesty from the hands of the Free- 
masons, and to assure him that this dangerous 
body would be totally annihilated by the angel 
Don Miguel ; also hoping his excellency would 
assist in their destruction, for that Portugal might 
once more be happy ; they were, they said, deter- 
mined to lose the last drop of their blood, in 
defence of the altar and the throne. 



28 



The bishop's answer was brief, and will exhibit 
him as a man of ability, and one who foresaw what 
would happen. His reply was as follows : — ■ 
" I do not accept your congratulations ; let me 
persuade you to go home; remember in this 
world there are many ups and downs ; to-day 
we see one thing, to-morrow another ; be quiet, 
let us go with the time. Do not let me hear 
any more of this." — This was literally the 
bishop's reply. 

This pleased the Constitutionalists of Leiria, 
and they naturally inclined to think the bishop 
was their friend ; but I told them my opinion 
was otherwise, and his after conduct has unfor- 
tunately proved to the citizens of Leiria it was 
too correct. 

A few days afterwards the news reached us 
that the king was on board the Windsor Castle, 
and that Don Miguel had sailed to Brest. 

I am accused, on my trial, by one of the wit- 
nesses, of having been the first person in Leiria 
to circulate the intelligence of Don Miguel's 
departure. An order was soon after issued to 
close all investigations against the Constitutional- 
ists, and very few suffered any thing considerable 
by that revolution. 



29 

I cannot omit here the mention of a fact, to 
which I was an eye-witness. It was a process 
or investigation into the character of a farmer 
who resided a small distance from Leiria, and 
who was shewn to me by the escrievo. 

This man was charged with being a Free- 
mason ; and the witness against him was asked 
(as is always the case)— (t How he knew him to 
be a Freemason ?" He replied, " I once saw 
him build a wall and throw it down again, and 
build it up again, and again throw it down ; 
and he wore a white hat until the curate of the 
parish desired him to leave it off: the curate 
knows he is a Freemason, and I refer you to 
him," 

This was the strongest evidence against the 
farmer. It is the custom of proceedings in Por- 
tugal, when taking evidence, to make the witness 
name another who shall confirm his testimony ; 
and he, as a matter of course, names some one 
he has already agreed with ; or, if suddenly 
required to do so, names those he thinks will 
corroborate his statement. 

I read the evidence of the curate, who, after 
being sworn on the Holy Evangelists, deposed 
to this effect : — He knew the farmer, and had 



30 

always understood he was a Freemason. " To 
the question — " How do you know he is a Free- 
mason ?" he replied, " Because he only kneels 
on one knee at mass, and wears a white hat, 
which I told him to leave off, because it was 
setting a bad example." 

Here the process ended. But what will appear 
extraordinary to Englishmen, the farmer him- 
self knew no more of what was going on against 
him than the King of England ; and, fortunately 
for him, the investigations were put a stop to by 
Don John, or the proofs would have been con- 
sidered sufficient to hang him. 

About this time things became rather quiet, 
and many people thought they would remain so ; 
but this was the period when the present mischief 
began to be hatched. A secret society, called 
(( The Black Ring," was formed : it consisted of 
priests, friars, and nobility ; they were more 
cautious than the Liberals, and took great care 
to know people before they admitted them, or 
entrusted them with their secret. Very few, 
except the three classes I have mentioned, en- 
tered this religious body, but many served them. 

The Liberals now had nothing to look forward 
to ; they had seen the Constitutions of Naples 



31 

and Spain fall, as well as their own ; they were 
pointed at and insulted. Upon the heels of this 
came intelligence of the death of the King, Don 
John the Vlth. This event created far less sen- 
sation than w r ould have been imagined. 

Things were still quiet on the surface, but 
much mischief lurked beneath. The pulpit be- 
came political. Nearly all sermons in Portugal 
are preached by friars, or at least ninety out of 
one hundred. 

I heard a noted preacher, at a festival at San- 
terem, preach a sermon at this period, in which 
he made use of many curious expressions. The 
following I distinctly heard. 

This political priest said that — " He would 
grasp the sword till his nails should grow through 
the palms of his hands, to defend Don Miguel, 
and deliver the earth from the Freemasons : a 
set of men who had hair growing upon their 
hearts, since their souls had left them ; that to 
kill a Freemason was an act of chanty to God." 
And he concluded his discourse (which lasted 
about three quarters of an hour), saying, " he 
begged of the congregation three Hail Marias, 
a short prayer to the Virgin Mary ; — one for all 
the enemies to Freemasons ; — one for those who 



32 

wore the same coat they did on the 30th of April; 
and one for the House of Braganza !!!" 

I cannot refrain from mentioning these things, 
in order to shew the complete influence these 
men exercise over the people. Certainly many 
did not approve of this exhortation ; but they 
were obliged to be silent. The lower orders 
believed all they heard, and wished for an oppor- 
tunity to shew their zeal. 

I shall add further facts, to exhibit the true 
character of the priests and friars in general: 
there are exceptions, but not many. A friar, 
whom I knew very well, and often met in dif- 
ferent parties, and who was considered an excel- 
lent preacher, had for several successive years 
preached the sermons in Lent at Leiria. 

I had been to hear him preach. His sermon 
was against vice in general ; he pointed out how 
parents should educate their children ; he told 
them their daughters should wear no curls, and 
that little girls should not wear trowsers and short 
petticoats. That dancing was the ruin of many 
young people, as it gave opportunities of making 
love, and often brought shame upon the parents 
who allowed it : and all those who encouraged 
these things committed great sin before God, 



33 



which they themselves must answer for. His 
whole discourse was of this tendency. 

On the same evening I met him at a party, 
and he sang several songs very cleverly, and 
waltzed with a young lady. 

I asked him, by way of joke, but publicly 
before the whole company, how he could do 
these things, after having said so much against 
them but a few hours before ? He said, " La 
como la, e ca como he ;" that is^ " There as there, 
and here as it is." 

The priests go from the pulpit to all sorts of 
debauchery. Many people will say, there are 
respectable and pious priests and friars ; that I 
will not deny. But, to be respectable and pious, 
they must be at least sixty years of age, and then 
you must not inquire too minutely what they have 
been. 

What can be expected from a community of 
young men, forbidden to marry, living on the 
good things of the land, and without any thing 
to do ? 

The junior clergy study nothing but intrigue, 
and how to ruin the peace and happiness of 
thousands of families. 

I could mention facts which I have witnessed 

D 



34 



within these last twenty years, that would make 
Englishmen turn with abhorrence from the pic- 
tures of villainy which may be concealed under 
the cloak of religion. Many of these facts would 
be scarcely credible in a country not cursed with 
monks and friars. 

I have in my possession a complete model of 
the Inquisition Prison, which many of my friends 
know I had an opportunity of moulding, from 
being one of the first persons who entered that 
holy place at Coimbra, in 1820, when it was 
broken open by the people. 



35 



CHAPTER IV. 

SUPERSTITION OF THE LOWER CLASSES AMONG THE 
PORTUGUESE. 

When I went to Portugal, in 1808, with Gene- 
ral Sir John Moore, I had not been there a fort- 
night when, like many other superficial travellers, 
I thought of writing the manners and customs of 
the Portuguese. 

Fortunately for me, from that period I have 
noted every transaction of my life, as well as what 
I have seen among others. 

But at the end of the first year of my residence 
in Portugal, I found myself nearly as incapable of 
commencing the task I had proposed, as on my 
first arrival. 

I found, when 1 had acquired a thorough 
knowledge of the language, that this was not 
sufficient to write the manners and customs of a 
nation ; it was requisite to live in close intimacy 

D 2 



36 



with them, before I could do them justice, and 
that not only in one town or in one province. 

The manners and customs differ, and I found 
by experience, that had I, as many soi-disant 
travellers have done, after seeing the Gold and 
Silver Street, the Black Horse Square, and the 
Aqueduct, made a few lamentable remarks upon 
the dirty streets, and the quantity of dogs and 
beggars at Lisbon ; or raised my description 
to the fine air of Buenos Ayres — I say, had 
I, on the strength of these simple observations, 
filled a quarto volume with a history of the man- 
ners and customs of Portugal, I should have 
written myself down an ass. 

As the degraded superstition, in which the lower 
orders of the Portuguese are intentionally kept by 
their crafty priesthood, forms no inconsiderable 
feature of my present work, I shall relate a few 
anecdotes, by way of relief to my dull pages, both 
for the purpose of shewing the mental ignorance 
of these unfortunate though worthy people, and 
in illustration of my previous remark, that the 
ecclesiastical establishment of Portugal, is the 
moral blight and overwhelming curse of the 
country, from north to south, from east to west. 

Near the coast, to the north-west of Leiria, 



37 

which is nine miles from the sea, there are many 
populous villages. 

The people in this district, as well as in many 
other parts of Portugal, believe implicitly in 
witches ; and are possessed with an idea that the 
old witches come by night and suck the blood of 
young children. 

When a child dies in convulsions, which, of 
course, is frequently the case, black marks of 
stagnated blood are usually found all over its 
body : these marks, they say, " are occasioned 
by the pinches of the witches/' To prevent this 
as far as possible, when a poor labouring man 
expects his wife to be confined, he prepares as 
much w T ood as he can, and makes an immense 
pile before the door of his habitation, often re- 
questing his neighbour's assistance to split wood 
as the time approaches. When the young 
stranger appears, a great fire is lighted, and the 
neighbours, by turns, sit up with the woman and 
child ; and this fire is oftentimes not extinguished 
for a month. I have myself observed them con- 
tinually blazing for a fortnight. 

I have sat with the gossips on these interesting 
occasions. They often suppose the witches are 



38 

near, and in the night go out with large sticks, 
and strike about in hopes of hitting them. 

The child is placed in a room near the fire, and 
is often looked at to ascertain that " all's well." 
Those men who sit with it, sing and tell stories, 
while the women spin flax from a distaff. 

I have passed many a pleasant night with them, 
and heard many a curious story. I have often 
pitied them ; but had I attempted to undeceive 
them, I should only have lost their friendship, 
and in all probability made them my bitter 
enemies. 

In the higher classes, I often met with a priest 
in this neighbourhood, a very respectable man, 
as far as his profession would allow him to be so. 
I remember saying to this man one day, when 
he had just returned from excommunicating some 
crawling vermin which infested the wheat-field 
of a neighbouring farmer, " that I thought it 
was wrong to encourage people in such gross 
ignorance as to believe in witches and the excom- 
munication of lice ;" when his reverence made 
me this characteristic reply : — " Never say any 
thing to one of my cloth again on the subject ; 
they are ashamed of it ; but there is no remedy ; 
we make them believe what we please, and we 



39 

must allow them to believe what they please. 
If we told them to the contrary, they would 
soon begin to question us on other points. I 
wish I had been a cobbler instead of a priest. I 
envy you married men your comfortable homes ; 
I have only the walls to look at, and my nephews 
suppose I am to make a fortune for them !" 

I was, after this sensible admonition, more 
cautious whom I spoke freely to ; and seldom 
differed with any one as to his opinions, nor did 
I very candidly or explicitly declare my own. I 
think nothing more just, than that every man 
should enjoy his own sentiments, more especially 
in matters of religion. 

I should greatly extend my remarks on the 
superstitions of the Romish church in Portugal, 
were I not apprehensive my countrymen would 
imagine I wished to attack the Roman Catholics 
of England, or prejudice the minds of the people 
against them. This is, however, far from my 
intention. I cannot for a moment suppose the 
English capable of encouraging such absurdities 
as I have narrated ; though I cannot avoid ob- 
serving that some foreign Catholics have behaved 
most scandalously in Lisbon. 

They made festivals, and encouraged the friars 



40 



to preach in favour of Don Miguel, and those 
who speak or preach in favour of such a man, 
cannot surely be called friends to human society. 

The truth is, I attack not honest men by 
these charges : though it is with some difficulty 
I can refrain from giving a more explanatory 
account of those wretched Apostolicals. But I 
have determined to be brief, and shall therefore 
immediately resume the thread of my narrative. 



41 



CHAPTER V. 

ARRIVAL OF DON PEDRO'S CONSTITUTIONAL CHARTER FROM 
THE BRAZILS, IN 1826. 

After the death of the King Don John the 
Sixth, the Constitutionalists looked forward to 
Don Pedro, while the priestly faction looked to 
Don Miguel. I say Don Miguel, that I may be 
fully understood ; for it is very generally believed 
in Lisbon, that Miguel is not the son of Don John 
the Sixth ! 

It will be proper to mention the place where 
I was staying at the time Don Pedro's Constitu- 
tional Charter arrived from the Brazils ; because 
it will be seen, in reading my trial, that I am 
accused of acting in a favourable way towards 
that Constitutional Charter in Leiria. 

The truth is, I happened at that juncture to be 
at Vizella, near Guemaraens, nine leagues above 
Oporto, a bathing-place. The hot-baths there 
are superior to any in Portugal for their chemical 



42 



qualities. The Constitution arrived at Lisbon in 
August 1826. It was of course known that an 
Englishman brought it from the Brazils to Lis- 
bon. It was certainly unexpected by either 
party at that moment. 

The Constitutionalists looked to England with 
intense anxiety. The charter having been con- 
veyed to them by an Englishman, left them no 
reason to doubt but England would support it. 

The Miguel party, on the other hand, looked 
at England, from that time forward, as their com- 
mon enemy ; and two English gentlemen, re- 
spectable merchants of Oporto, who were at the 
same place with myself, taking the benefit of the 
waters, were insulted and treated in a cruel man- 
ner, as they were going, early in the morning, to 
take their bath. 

They had no idea of having given reason or 
cause for these insults ; it was only because they 
were English subjects. I was advised by a friend 
to pass myself for a Portuguese, which I did, and 
left the place sooner than I should have done, 
apprehensive of meeting with similar treatment to 
that my countrymen had experienced. This fact 
is well known in Oporto, to both English and 
Portuguese. 



43 

From this place I went to Oporto, and after a 
little time, as soon as I was able, went home to 
Leiria, 

I remained but eight days at Leiria, during 
which time I never quitted my own house. I then 
went to the sea-side for the advantage of bathing, 
and from thence to Lisbon, and ultimately em- 
barked for England. I staid sometime in Lon- 
don, then returned again to Leiria in June 1827. 
After being at home a week, I again went to 
England, and only returned from thence a short 
time before the British troops left Portugal ; it 
will be seen therefore that I was not altogether 
three weeks in Leiria during the existence of Don 
Pedro's charter. 

The state of the Constitutional Charter, at this 
particular period, may be very aptly compared to 
the waltz in Der Freischutz, supposing the Bri- 
tish troops to be the waltzers, and the Constitu- 
tion the music — as the former went off, so the 
latter became weaker ; and when the troops dis- 
appeared from the last scene, Fort St. Julian, the 
word Constitution was heard no more. 



CHAPTER VI. 



ARRIVAL OF DON MIGUEL IN LISBON, AND HIS RECEPTION 
BY THE CLERGY AND THE CORPORATE CHAMBERS THROUGH- 
OUT THE KINGDOM. 

I was at Oporto when Don Miguel arrived at 
Lisbon ; it was quite easy to be seen that his 
party were prepared to receive him : and the dif- 
ferent corporations, throughout the whole king- 
dom, equally disgraced themselves in their mode 
of rejoicing at this event. 

The painter of the transparencies for the illu- 
minations in honour of the Constitution at 
Oporto, was imprisoned, and the same conduct 
was pursued with a very respectable, but poor 
man, at Leiria, a Frenchman, who had been resi- 
dent thirty years in that city. 

This unfortunate man was my fellow prisoner to 
Lisbon, and I regret to say I left him in the cas- 
tle. Many persons wou\l be induced to exclaim 
here, " What greater proofs do we require as to 
the general acquiescence of the Portuguese nation, 



45 



than to hear that the corporations throughout 
the kingdom were unanimous in wishing Don Mi- 
guel to ascend the throne V I will endeavour to 
explain this mystery, in a manner which I hope 
will be perfectly understood. 

Before the first revolution of 1820, all the cor- 
porations were composed of a certain set of men 
who took their turn in office as the year came 
round : the same men, every three years at least, 
came into office again ; they were almost like one 
family. 

I never heard of a dispute amongst them : the 
civil magistrate of the place (the Juis de Fora) 
was always elected the president ; his situation 
not being permanent, he had but little interest in 
what was done at the Caza de Cambra, (the 
Town-hall or Senate-house), from being removed 
every three years. 

These corporations consisted of a senate of 
four members, besides the president, together 
with twenty-four commoners, and a president, 
selected from the mechanics, and supposed to 
have their votes in the different matters discussed ; 
in council, they are mere automatons, and though 
three or four of them are always present, they 
merely officiate as attendants to the senators. 



46 



The situation of variadore, one of the senators, 
is considered advantageous as well as honourable ; 
they can make by-laws and levy contributions, 
and have the nomination of the juis6s (judges or 
petty authorities in small towns) once a year ; 
and (what will appear strange to Englishmen,) 
when the peasantry came into town, or when they 
were choosing them from lists, they would in- 
quire the name of those who could read and 
write ? He that could was to be the escrivao, 
(the clerk,) and he that could not read or write, 
the judge. 

This, it will be said, is but small encouragement 
for procuring education, when men are bribed, as 
it were, for remaining in their ignorance; for 
who would learn to read and write, that might 
arrive at the station of a judge without those ac- 
complishments, but, in possessing them, could 
only acquire the rank of secretary ? 

The corporation had no one to call them to 
account ; whenever a magistrate was absent or 
sick, which is continually the case with one or 
the other, the senior member officiates in his 
stead : the employment is considered profitable, 
and they all come into possession of it in their 
turns, as they advance in age, if not in wisdom. 



47 



Among the first reformations introduced by the 
constitution of 1820, was that of doing away with 
these self-elected corporations ; and forming new 
ones, by taking public votes for the several candi- 
dates and also for the election of president. 

These new corporations examined the old ac- 
counts, and discovered many dirty and scandalous 
transactions : still they behaved in the most pru- 
dent manner that can be imagined. They trans- 
acted all their business in public ; complaints 
were heard, and attended to, without empenho* 

The priests and friars, who are likewise fond of 
being empenhos, did not approve of the public pro- 
ceedings of the Cambras. They saw their influ- 
ence gradually decaying; people began to get 
what they wanted — common justice — without the 
priests' interference. They represented that there 
was too much liberty, and they foresaw if things 
continued as they were, there would soon be an 
attempt at liberty of conscience — a most alarming 

* This word, in Portugal, is very much used ; it signifies interest. 
People pride themselves on being empenhos ; they not only gain 
thanks and homage by it, but, often, hard cash. I knew a serjeant 
of militia, a neighbour of mine at Leiria, who gave 15/. sterling to 
Madame L****'s escudeiro (her personal servant or esquire), and 
who, I suppose, divided or shared it with Madame herself (for she 
at that time was more than Commander-in-chief of the Portuguese 
army), to procure him his discharge. 



48 



state of things, in their view, as regards the altar 
and the throne, or in other words the mummery 
of priestcraft and tyranny. 

This constitution was completely overturned 
by Don Miguel going to Santerem and Villa 
Franca. The first thing done by this scion of 
" legitimacy/' was the dissolution of the Cam- 
bras ; and the same set of men who were before 
in power, were restored to it again, and resumed 
their former mode of proceedings. 

When Don Pedro's Constitution arrived, had 
they again abolished these self-elected juntas, 
called corporations, (which, according to that 
charter, might have been promptly effected,) 
Miguel would never have succeeded in destroying 
the happiness of thousands of most respectable 
families. 

It may appear strange to many persons to say 
thousands of families ; but if the following state- 
ment be correct (and I assure the reader it is not 
exaggerated), it will no longer appear so. 



49 



CHAPTER VII. 

STATE PRISONERS IN PORTUGAL ; INTRIGUES OF THE PRIESTS ; 
AND PROCLAMATION OF DON MIGUEL I. BY THE RABBLE OF 
LISBON. 

There were in the different prisons of Portugal, 
at the time I left the country, more than 10,000 
political prisoners ; 1 do not mean thieves, deser- 
ters, murderers, or parties in any way amenable 
to the law as criminals for offences against society, 
but independent of such persons — 10,000 victims 
of political vengeance and resentment, out of a 
population amounting to about 2,000,000. ! 

Many thieves and murderers were taken out of 
prison to go on the expedition to Madeira ; some 
of them from the prison I was in myself. 

In addition to this, there are more than 5000 
people concealing themselves in different parts of 
the country, and upwards of 5000 more who emi- 
grated to Gibraltar, England, * and France ; more 

* There are about 3000 Portuguese emigrants, most of them 
men of great respectability, now at Plymouth, under self banish- 
ment. 

E 



50 

than 3000 persons removed, by order of the despot 
from their homes, to some other parts of the coun- 
try, and are obliged to show themselves daily to 
the Juis de Fora, the magistrate of the town. In 
short, to speak with moderation, there are at least 
23,000 persons who may be said to be driven to 
misery and ruin. 

Besides these, the whole of the mercantile class 
in Portugul are almost in a state of ruin, from the 
tyranny of the despot, and the total insecurity 
both with regard to life and property, with every 
man who will not be a slave. 

Can any one say, therefore, that the unfortunate 
Constitutionalists are not respectable under the 
circumstances in which they are placed? Do 
they not deserve the sympathy and aid of 
every man to whom the name of liberty is 
dear — of every Englishman whose heart is in 
the proper place ? 

I trust I have shewn, by the foregoing statement 
respecting the Cambras (or corporations), that it 
was their interest to support Don Miguel, and by 
that means keep themselves in office and autho- 
rity. They communicated with each other, from 
the time of Don Miguel's arrival in England, as to 
the manner in which they should receive him, and 



51 

through the support of the priests their measures 
became unanimous. 

Don Pedro would have done as we 1 ! for them 
as Don Miguel, had he appointed a regency, and 
not talked of a constitution. He would then have 
been the defender of the altar, and the throne, 
and as far as they would have bee a concerned 
at it, Don Miguel, instead of being seated on the 
throne, might have been in a more exalted 
situation — suspended by the halter. 

Mercantile affairs in Lisbon, Oporto, and 
throughout Portugal, are at a complete stand. 
Many of the shops are shut, and large boards are 
nailed across the doors of those who have been 
obliged to fly, and whose property is confiscated- 
Persons who are not acquainted with the Catholic 
clergy and priestcraft, might suppose that de- 
stroying the trade of a country would bring 
destruction upon its destroyers ; but the contrary 
is the fact : and I cannot prove it better or in fewer 
words, than by relating here a conversation T had 
with the late Bishop of Leiria, not long before he 
died in 1815. 

I became acquainted with this prelate in 1809 ; 
he was an ignorant man, and a great fanatic, but 
his whole study was to do good in his way ; he 

E 2 



52 



has left monuments of his good actions in Leiria, 
by which his name will live for ever. 

Before my time, there had been an Englishman 
of the name of Peal, who had a ribbon manufac- 
tory at Leiria, but failed, and left the place. I 
was observing to the Bishop, how much it was to 
be lamented that he should have failed, as such 
an establishment must have been of great service 
to Leiria. His answer was highly characteristic 
of the principles of the Catholic clergy. " No : 
I was glad when he did fail ; his manufactory did 
more harm than good ; it encouraged people, 
instead of cultivating the ground, to learn the 
weaving and spinning, and many persons working 
together corrupt each other's morals." I observed 
that many persons must have been deprived of 
employment. To which he replied, " There is 
plenty of ground, and let them till that ; they will 
not starve ; and, besides, the less intercourse we 
have with strangers the better!" 

From this may be drawn a conclusion as to 
the feelings and interests of the bishops, priests, 
and friars, and proves that they care little or 
nothing for the ruin of individuals, or the destruc- 
tion of trade. The people must have bread, and 
they must give their allotted portion of the pro- 



53 



duce of the earth to the clergy; consequently 
these locusts only encourage agriculture. 

I went to Lisbon soon after Don Miguel's 
arrival in February last, and just as he began to 
remove from the command of regiments all officers 
who were supposed to be constitutional : men 
who had committed no crime, except that of 
obeying the orders of the government of Don 
Pedro, which had been recognized as the legiti- 
mate government of Portugal by all Europe. 

Many of these unfortunate gentlemen are still 
suffering in prison, their property confiscated, 
and their families destitute or dependent on 
charity. 

I was present on the 25th of April, opposite 
the Senate House, when the mob began to pro- 
claim — " Don Miguel the First, king absolute — 
Death to the Constitutionalists and Freemasons !" 

When I arrived opposite the Senate House, 
it was about eleven o'clock ; there might be 
then assembled, at the most, about fifty persons, 
composed of the greatest vagabonds in Lisbon. 
There were several persons at the windows of the 
Senate House, and the mob began to cry " Viva 
Don Miguel, absolute king !" The people at 
the windows waived their handkerchiefs. The 



54 



mob increased, and called out for the flag belong- 
ing to the senate, which was brought and placed 
at the window, when all those at the windows 
began to echo the exclamations of the mob. 

The police now appeared in patrols of six ; the 
mob was surrounded with soldiers to protect 
them, with orders to take any one to prison who 
offered to molest them, or utter sentiments con- 
trary to those they were proclaiming. Every one 
who passed was seized by the mob, and com- 
pelled to take off his hat and join in the voci- 
feration, 

It might easily be perceived that the whole 
thing was pre-concerted. All the streets of Lis- 
bon were at the same moment filled with patrols. 
After twelve o'clock the mob neither increased 
or diminished ; the shops were nearly all shut in 
the principal streets. I walked round with a 
friend in order to be a witness of the general 
feelings of the respectable portion of the inhabi- 
tants, which we found totally opposed to those of 
the hired party, who strained their throats for 
about 2s. 6d. a-day : that is, those who had coats, 
for those who were in rags received only Is. 6d. 

Next day I went again, and the same faces 
were discernible throughout the mob, and the same 



55 



behaviour both inside and without the Senate 
House. Towards evening, when they were* tired 
of tearing their throats any longer, and perhaps had 
received a signal to retire to the pay table, they 
w 7 ere heard to say, " Vamos rapases, ja que temos feito 
hum Rie 9 vamos buber huma pingaP " Come, my 
boys, now we have made a king, let us go and get 
something to drink." 

By way of giving colour to the farce, a notice 
was posted up by the intendant of police, desiring 
the people not to be riotous ; " that their wishes 
would be laid before his Royal Highness, who 
would adopt the proper measures to decide such 
a question,'* and this formed the prelude to the 
Cortes of Larnego. A book was immediately 
opened at the Senate House, for the signatures of 
all such as wished Don Miguel to be absolute 
king. I had not any thing to do, and went often 
to see the progress of the signatures, as well as to 
observe the nature and manner of them. 

I signed (by way of keeping up the farce,) 
the name of Joao Pedro Coquet (Negociente), mer- 
chant, which may be found in the list in my hand- 
writing. I remained some time at the table to 
observe what was going on, and all the men who 
signed, while I was present, were merchants. As 



56 



to the women (for the ladies were applied to by 
the priests), they were desired by the book-keeper 
to place the title of " Donna' 5 before their names. 
Many of these donnas were fish-women, hawkers, 
and others of much more disreputable character. 

Some of these independent Royalists were in- 
serted as living by their profession or business ; 
others, as independent, and existing on their pro- 
perty ; the women that signed were mostly sup- 
posed to be single ladies ; and, in short, it was of 
no importance to the party who they were, or how 
they described themselves. 

The same farce was carried on nearly all over 
Portugal on the same day, which affords a decided 
proof of the unanimity of these servile corpora- 
tions. They held the legal power ; the clergy paid 
the mob to applaud what they proposed, while 
the magistrates issued orders desiring the people 
to be quiet. 

Every measure that issued from Don Miguel 
was given in the name of the king ; and the 
Miguel party took good care to spread it about, 
that the British troops were called home, to give 
him the opportunity of establishing himself King 
of Portugal. 

This appeared so much like the truth to the 



57 

friends of Don Pedro, that they were afraid to 
declare themselves before they had taken time to 
consider what was best to be done. Hundreds 
were arrested; others fled to escape imprisonment; 
and the consequence was, that those who remained 
were incapable of the least resistance. 

The streets of Lisbon were crowded with sol- 
diers day and night, authorizing the mob to insult 
whoever they pleased, and those who made any 
resistance were conveyed to prison. Every po- 
lice soldier had anginhos (little angels, or thumb- 
screws) in his pocket ; and I saw about this time 
several respectable looking people escorted to 
prison with these instruments of torture affixed 
to them. They often screwed them until the 
blood started from under the nails ; I have heard 
them crying with agony as they went along. 

The number of arrests increased daily, as well 
in Oporto as in Lisbon. The people of Oporto 
are at least fifty years before those of Lisbon in 
point of civilization, which will account for the 
resistance offered to Miguel's authority in that 
city. All they wanted was a leader; I could 
have named three, either of whom would have led 
them to Belem, and have hanged the usurper 
before his own palace. 



58 

Delicacy kept those who were most fitted for 
the situation quiet ; they formed a junta, which 
junta, I have no doubt, will give a satisfactory 
account of their transactions when the proper 
time arrives. 



59 



CHAPTER VIII. 

JOURNEY FROM LISBON TO LEIRIA J ARREST AND IMPRISON- 
MENT IN THE GAOL OF THAT CITY. 

On the 24th of May I left Lisbon, to proceed 
to my house at Leiria, and took a regular pass- 
port from the Intendant- General of Police (a 
copy of which accompanies my trial). I went 
by water to Carregado, six leagues up the Tagus, 
where I slept on the night of the 24th, and in the 
morning I mounted on a mule with a pack-saddle, 
and without stirrups, there being no other to be 
had at that place. 

I had about a mile to ride, through fields, until 
I got to the main road. I was scarcely on the 
road, when I overtook a muleteer, well mounted, 
who had been to Lisbon and was going to Coim- 
bra. I fell into conversation with him; and a 
militia-man of Leiria came up with a horse and 
a mule : he lent me a pair of stirrups, and we con- 



60 



tinued our journey together, as I was glad of 
their company. 

When we arrived at Alcoentre, ten leagues 
from Lisbon, the muleteer said he would ride my 
mule, and I should ride his, which was saddled. 
I accepted the offer, and after their drinking some 
wine at the door of the estalagem (inn), we con- 
tinued our journey. 

When we came to Rio Maior, two leagues fur- 
ther, we halted at a wine shop at the end of the 
town, and the two men drank more wine. We did 
not go through the town, but went a nearer way 
through the fields, and got into the main road 
again a little above it. 

When we got on the road, half a league beyond 
the town of Rio Maior, we met the 22d regiment 
marching towards Lisbon ; many of the .officers 
and soldiers, from long acquaintance, embraced 
me (according to the usual form), and during the 
few minutes they remained, asked me the news of 
Lisbon, and whether the Royalist troops had 
marched. I told them the news then current in 
Lisbon, and that the troops had not marched. 

The regiment proceeded on its way, and I on 
mine. About a hundred yards further on there is 
an estalagem, where I and my companions stopped 



61 



to dine, and whilst we were at our meal the bag- 
gage of the 22d regiment passed by ; two soldiers 
who were in the rear guard (and whom I knew 
perfectly well,, in consequence of their having 
worked for me ), caught my attention, and I asked 
them if they would have some wine ? they drank 
a pint each, and then went on with the rear guard. 

After we had dined we proceeded towards Lei- 
ria ; the weather being sultry we travelled after 
dark, and slept at Carvalhos, three leagues from 
that place. Next morning, about sun-rise, we left 
for Leiria, and I arrived about nine o'clock at my 
own house. 

Having been absent some time, I was visited 
by more than thirty of my friends ; I had no 
thought of danger, and was most iiappy with my 
family during the day. 

In the evening, just before dark, my house was 
surrounded by a strong party of militia and a 
mob ; they entered it, and seized me as I was 
taking tea with Mrs. Young, the mob crying, 
" Bring him out and cut off his ears, he is a Free- 
mason !" 

A major of brigade commanded the party; he 
would not allow me to speak to Mrs. Young, or 
even give me time to say adieu! Her surprise 



62 

and fear rendered her at the moment incapable of 
speaking. I entreated for a few minutes to assist 
her, but was pushed out of the room, down the 
stairs ; and in the passage, where it was dark, I 
received severe blows from the bui-end of a 
musket on the back of my neck. 

When I got into the street, stones were thrown 
at me, but the soldiers were so thick around me, 
the stones struck them instead of me, and in reta- 
liation, they struck me with the but- ends of their 
muskets, saying, " Go on !" They almost ran ; I 
said nothing to them, but went as fast as they 
did ; and if ever a man wished to get into prison, 
most assuredly I did. 

When we reached the gaol, which was not 
more than three hundred yards from my house, 
they formed a circle round me, and searched my 
pockets. They found my passport, and, to my 
surprise, left it there ; they took every thing else 
away ; a trifle of money, pen-knife, pencil, pocket- 
handkerchief, neckerchief, and my braces. 

Although I had been so many years in Leiria, 
I had never been in the gaol, though I had often 
been in the Senate House, which is under the same 
roof. 

When they had searched me, the mayor whis- 



63 



pered to the jailer, and he said to me, u . Come this 
way." We went up a narrow stone staircase, with 
a door at the bottom, and wlien we came to the 
top, another door opened into a room ; they pushed 
me into this room, and immediately closed the 
door upon me. It was quite a dungeon. 

I remained listening, and soon heard the lower 
door shut and bolted. I could hear but little of 
the noise of the mob, being at the back of the 
gaol. The smell of the place was however so 
dreadful, that I soon suspected the nature of my 
apartment, and on feeling about with my hands, 
I had no longer any doubt on the subject. I was 
confined in the common privy of the prison, and 
of the most disgusting kind. After ruminating on 
my fate till nature became quite exhausted, I 
fell asleep about midnight, and slept till the clock 
struck four, when I awoke, nearly suffocated from 
breathing such a shocking atmosphere. I could 
see no light, the shutters being so perfectly closed. 
I found, however, that the window looked into the 
street, as I heard people passing. 

At this time, the only troops in Leiria, were 
the militia of the town and the corps of students, 
who, with the vice-rector of Coimbra, had run 
away from thence. 



64 

The vice-rector, on his arrival at Leiria, as- 
sumed the title of civil governor of the place, and 
put down all the other authorities/with the ex- 
ception of the corregidore, who was a powerful 
magistrate. 

The corps of students never exceeded seven- 
teen in number ; they were at first commanded 
by Pedro Buro (Peter -Jackass), for so he was 
called, not only by the students, but by all the 
people of Coimbra, who knew him to be remark- 
able for his ignorance and stupidity. 

The rector went to the bishop's palace to re- 
side, and was received with open arms by that 
prelate. 

When the general of the advanced guard arrived 
there, and went to the clerk of the corporation 
for a billet, the clerk, according to the custom 
with general officers, gave him a billet on the 
bishop, but his reverence refused to receive him, 
saying, he already had one billetted on him. 

The clerk told him the person he alluded to 
was a visitor, one who could not demand a billet, 
he must therefore receive the general, which at 
length he did ; but, in two days after, the clerk 
was ordered to quit the town in four and twenty 



65 

hours, and go to Peniche, there to shew himself 
every day to the civil authority. 

This young man I have known from a child ; I 
never knew him to act in any manner that could 
be considered as political ; and if inclined to do 
so, I should rather have supposed him a friend, 
than otherwise, of Don Miguel. He was an honest 
and respectable young man ; his father had died 
some little time previous, and he was supporting 
by his industry, a mother and five sisters, who 
were left dependent on him and their friends. 
The first morning of my confinement, the mob 
assembled about six o'clock, and began to let off 
rockets. I could distinctly hear the shouts of the 
mob in the square, and round the gaol, crying, 
" Viva Don Miguel Absolute ! Death to the Free- 
masons I" ( Viva quern ha de cortar as orelhas dos 
Pedreiros livres,) " Long life to those who shall cut 
off the ears of the Freemasons." 

I heard them mention my name often, but they 
did not know exactly at first in which part of the 
gaol I was confined. About ten o'clock I heard 
the lower door open, and soon after the other, 
when the jailer made his appearance. He ap- 
peared a very humane sort of man ; and on his 
entering my apartment, he observed — c< I am 

F 



66 



truly sorry for what has happened, it hurt me last 
night very much ; but you know I am obliged to 
do my duty." I told him I wished for nothing 
from him but civility, but that I wanted some- 
thing to eat. He said he would go and ask if I 
might have my breakfast ; he soon returned, and 
said, the major would allow me to have some 
breakfast. I also begged him to send to Mrs; 
Young, which he did.* 

The mob continued the whole day in the same 
riotous disposition, and rockets were continually 
ascending. I could hear when a prisoner was 
brought in, from the noise approaching nearer to 
my cell. 

Towards the afternoon, the mob found out 
where I was confined, and proceeded to throw 
stones at my window, shouting — i( Morra mal- 
hado Inglez do diabo !" (Die, you spotted English 
devil !; Some shouted " Bring him out, and cut 

* I must here explain that what is called " the Segredo' ' (or 
dungeon) is, and always has been much in use in Portugal ; when 
a man is put into the Segredo, it is usual to deprive him of all 
means of communication and self-destruction ; for which reason 
they take the cravat from his neck, and deprive him of his braces; 
he is only allowed a wooden spoon and a common earthen basin ; 
the food that is brought to him is examined and put into this basin , 
and then given to the prisoner; neither is he allowed to shave 
during his confinement in the Segredo. 



67 

off his ears !" This noting lasted till near even- 
ing. When the jailer brought me my dinner, he 
said Mrs. Young had sent it a long time, but he 
had not had leisure to examine it. Although per- 
fectly exhausted with hunger, I was now even more 
indisposed to eat, from the filth and stench of my 
cell, which was farther aggravated by the extreme 
heat of the weather. I was violently sick : so 
much so, that I injured my throat very much by 
violent and repeated retching. 

The mob continued at intervals to abuse me, 
until after eight o'clock, when they dispersed. 

I must have sat or laid on the floor for four- 
and-twenty hours, and I confess my mind was 
not a little disordered, from the dreadful anxiety 
produced by my ignorance of the fate of my 
family. 

When all was quiet, which was not until after 
ten o'clock, I became a little composed, and re- 
flected coolly on my situation. I was well aware 
that I was in great danger; and I knew the 
arrival of the royal troops was immediately 
expected. Their arrival was what I dreaded 
most. 

I was still very sick, and resolved on taking- 
exercise, which the only means I had of accom- 

F 2 



68 



plishing was by walking from one comer of 
the privy to the other ; this was only seven 
paces. 

At first I put my hand forward to feel the wall, 
but I soon became so well acquainted with the 
promenade, that I seldom missed my way ; and 
I continued walking in this way about three 
hours, during which time I formed a resolution 
that let what would follow, I would meet it with 
that cool contempt of my enemies, which became 
an Englishman and an officer in his Majesty's 
service. 

I became tired, and lay down on the boards, 
and slept until between four and five in the 
morning, when I was again awakened by the 
rockets, and the dreadful shouting of the mob, 
which continued the whole of that day. When- 
ever a prisoner was brought in, the noise in- 
creased considerably, owing to the taunts and 
insults bestowed on the unfortunate victim.* 

* It is scarcely possible for the English reader to imagine the 

nature of a Portuguese mob. Sunk in the grossest ignorance, 
living either by plunder or the offal given away at the convent 
doors, and regularly accepting bribes to commit every atrocity that 
can be devised by the most atrocious friars and traitors, they are 
willing and ready to execute every crime which can disgrace human 
nature. 



69 

About nine o'clock the jailer brought my break- 
fast. I asked him if any one had been brought 
in that I knew; he said, 66 several." I inquired 
if he had seen my wife ? he replied, " She is 
well ; but I have many eyes over me." 



70 



CHAPTER IX, 

ARRIVAL OF THE ROYALIST TROOPS AT LEIRIA, BRUTAL TREAT- 
MENT I RECEIVED IN THE GAOL OF THAT TOWN. 

About twelve o'clock the Royalist troops began 
to enter the town : they were at the utmost 1,600 
men, commanded by General Povoas. 

The shoutings, the rockets and music, and the 
Royalist songs, were not a little terrifying to the 
prisoners. The soldiers began to get drunk ; the 
priests and friars took good care to supply them 
with money sufficient to purchase wine, and in the 
afternoon they paraded the streets in parties, sing- 
ing their songs, and insulting every family which 
was pointed out as Constitutional. The gaol was 
surrounded by them, and the mob were shouting, 
<( Bring them out and cut off their ears." 

The jailer brought my dinner ahout four o'clock, 
and told me that a guard of eighty men were just 
put on the gaol, and there would be no danger. 



71 

I told him they might kill me, but they should not 
cut my ears off till after I was dead ; and I found 
myself worked up to that state of desperation, 
that I told him distinctly my mind was made up 
for the worst that could happen to me, that they 
should not mutilate me, or torture me ; that I was 
prepared for death, but if they attacked me they 
would meet with an Englishman, and I would not 
die tamely. 

After I had told him my mind, and he quitted 
me, I fully expected to have been visited by half 
a dozen ruffians, to carry their threats into execu- 
tion, but I was disappointed. 

At night the town was illuminated, and the band 
was arranged in the front of the Senate House, 
where they played and shouted alternately till past 
twelve o'clock, during which time I was conti- 
nually insulted. 

As soon as all was quiet, I fell asleep, and at 
four in the morning they began again, and conti^ 
nued the same clamour during the whole of the 
following day, that they had the preceding. When 
the jailer came with my breakfast at eleven o'clock, 
he said he had not had time to come before, 
he had so many prisoners : he hoped he should be 
able to get orders to open the window for me. 



72 

In the course of the day, he again told me that 
my wife was well. 

When he brought my dinner in the afternoon,, 
he at length opened half the window, and I ob- 
tained a little fresh air ; but on seeing, for the 
first time, my situation, I almost, for a moment, 
lost my senses. I knew the nature of my cell, 
but I did not feel the insult so much in the dark, 
as I did when I beheld the filthy place in which I 
was incarcerated, for no other crime but because 
I was an Englishman. 

I could not keep the window open, on account 
of the stones and crackers the mob threw in at me, 
except at night, when all was quiet ; and then I 
stood with my face through the bars as much as 
possible, to obtain wholesome air, till nearly day- 
light, after which I laid down on the floor to 
sleep. 

In the morning, about six o'clock, my apartment 
was visited by several prisoners ; some were at- 
tended by soldiers, and others by the jailer ; many 
of them felt as much distressed as myself— their 
persons being exposed to me, and I to them. I 
could never have mentioned this disgusting cir- 
cumstance, had I not the most respectable wit- 
nesses, if necessary, to verify it. 



73 

In this painful situation I met Sir John Milley 
Doyle, Don Jose de Souga, son of the Count Lin- 
hares, and a gentleman of the civil department. 
On one single day I have had at least fifty visitors, 
besides being continually insulted by the rabble 
from without. 

Sometimes I was told I was to be shot, at 
others, hanged. My provisions, and every thing 
that was brought in for me, was searched. My 
food, which was sent by Mrs. Young, in a small 
basket, was brought to me, basket and all ; but it 
was examined, in order to discover if there was 
any communication by letter. 

One day, as I was eating some soup, to my 
great surprise, I found a pencil in it. The jailer 
was with me at the time, and I begged him to 
fetch me some water, as I was afraid he would see 
the pencil. He kindly went, and I immediately 
examined every thing about my provisions and the 
basket, but could find nothing more. 

I imagined, however, that my wife would not 
send a pencil, without something additional ; and 
when the jailer came with the water, I requested 
he would leave the basket, and tell the servant to 
call again for it, for that I could not eat my dinner 
then. 



74 

He had no suspicion, and left me. 

I immediately set to work, and was about to 
pull the basket in pieces, when I found my wife's 
tenderness and ingenuity exemplified. She had 
rolled up some small pieces of paper, like a quill 
or stick, and then had taken some of the sticks out 
of the basket, and put the rolls of paper in their 
places. This process was managed with such 
dexterity and neatness, that it was very difficult 
to detect. 

Amongst these rolls of paper, I found several 
notes from her, and learnt from them that she had 
adopted the same artifice three days before, which 
I had not discovered ; but she had only that day 
sent the pencil, which occasioned my strict search, 
and led to the valuable discovery. 

From this time we communicated at ease, and . 
I learnt all that had been going on at home. I 
next directed her to write to Lisbon to my friends. 
About this period, too, I obtained permission to 
have a mattress to sleep on. 

The night I was taken to prison, Mrs. Young, 
as soon as she recovered from her dreadful terror 
at the outrage on her fireside, went to the magis- 
trate, and took with her my copy of the charter 
privilege, which contains many articles of the 



75 

treaty between England and Portugal. There is 
one clause, in particular, that forbids any person 
entering the house of an Englishman, without an 
order from the Judge Conservator. 

The magistrate refused to look at it, and only 
laughed at her ! She then requested of him to let 
her see me, and take me some supper and a bed. 
He told her I was very comfortable ; he was 
sure nothing would happen to me, and that the vice- 
rector of Coimbra would take care of me. 

My wife next went to the bishop, and requested 
him to interfere in my behalf with the vice-rector, 
at least so far as I might be examined, and to let 
me be provided with supper and a bed. This, she 
observed, in one of her notes, was about eleven 
o'clock; the bishop told her, with an air of dis- 
dain, " she had better go home ; and when she 
saw her husband again, persuade him not to be a 
freemason." In short, she was equally insulted 
by all the authorities ; and, of course, compelled 
to relinquish every appeal to them. 

She then thought of a priest whom I had often 
obliged, a very worthy sort of man, though a 
fanatic in the extreme. She wrote a note to him ; 
he answered it, which answer she sent to me in 
small pieces. He said he would do all in his 



76 

power, and hoped to succeed in furthering her 

wishes. 

This man had been sexton in the palace to the 
late bishop, and afterwards train-bearer to the 
prelate, and filled that capacity when he went to 
Lisbon with him in 1810. 

The next day he called at my house, and told 
Mrs. Young he was much hurt at not being able 
to serve me ; that he had been told, by the ma- 
gistrates and others, " he ought to be ashamed of 
being empenho on such an occasion, more espe- 
cially for a Freemason !" 

The bishop and vice-rector both rebuked him 
for what he had done. He told them they ought 
not to be surprised at his intercession for me, as 
I had often obliged him, and many others in 
Leiria ; and that when the people of Leiria were in 
Lisbon in 1810, 1 had served many of them, and 
himself in particular. 

The answer to this was worthy of the blessed 
order of Jesuits — " That by such means the free- 
masons insinuated themselves into weak peoples 
favour, but their arts were discovered, and it was all 
over with them!" 

My friend, in his note, went on to say, he was 
sorry for me, but he saw no hope of the ameliora- 



77 

tion of my condition . This want of success was 
doubtless most distressing to the feelings of my 
wife. The application of my friend, and its failure, 
becoming publicly known, from that time, during 
the remainder of my confinement in the jail of 
Leiria, neither friend nor acquaintance, male or 
female, visited Mrs. Young : so great was their 
dread of tyranny, people actually avoided passing 
by the house. The magistrates quartered as many 
soldiers in my house as it would contain, and these 
wretches (worthy of their master ruffian Miguel) 
pilfered and destroyed whatever they thought 
proper. 

On the ninth day, I was allowed a conversation 
with my wife, in the presence of the jailer and 
his wife. On the tenth day, in the morning, I 
heard a much greater noise than usual ; it lasted 
a considerable time : they fired off many rockets, 
and, at last, the noise approached the gaol, and I 
heard them cry — " Cut off their ears ; bring them 
all out !" 

I heard the officer of the guard call to arms, 
and the guard running to their posts, when the 
lower door of the gaol opened. I felt assured, at 
the moment, they were coming to put their threats 
in execution, and stood in the middle of the place 



78 

ready to receive them, but determined to die, 
before I would submit to the torture they had 
previously threatened. 

When the second door opened which led into 
the passage of my horrid cell, I found, to my sur- 
prise, it was only the jailer : he saw my state of 
excitement, and bid me say not a word, but 
follow him. I told him I would not be touched 
by any one : they might shoot, or hang me, if 
they pleased, but they should not cut my ears 
off whilst I had life. 

He calmly said, " Keep close to me, and come 
as quick as you can ; you are ordered to be 
moved, to make room for another." 

We had to descend a flight of stairs, and cross 
a large entry, where the guard and mob were 
assembled with the prisoner that was appointed 
to take my place. The moment the mob saw 
me, they began to shout : I looked at them as 
sternly as I could, but they did not offer to lay 
hands on me. 

I was put into a room with Sir John Milley 
Doyle, and the two gentlemen I have already 
named; and as I passed, I saw the unfortunate 
man who was about to take my former situa- 
tion. 



CHAPTER X. 



INFAMOUS CONDUCT OF THE PORTUGUESE MAGISTRATES; 
CLERGY, AND RABBLE, UNDER THE SANCTION OF DON 
MIGUEL. 

I cannot forbear mentioning in this place the 
circumstances attending this man's imprisonment. 
His name is Pedro Francisco Nattario, a very 
honest, industrious man. 

Francisco being a good honest man, was a suf- 
ficient reason why he should be elected into the 
corporation during the first constitution. He 
had six daughters living with him when the Eng- 
lish troops were in Leiria in 1809-10 : he had the 
commissary's contract for supplying corn, bread, 
&c, and was much respected by the English^ 
which was sufficient to mark him out for a victim 
to popular fury. 

A mob got round his house (which is in a 
corner of the square) and began to shout " Mai- 
hado!" (Constitutional). The soldiers joined with 



80 

the mob, broke into his house, and plundered it 

of every thing that could be carried off: they 
let pipes of wine and brandy run out upon the 
ground, seized hold of him, and a man getting 
on his back, he was compelled to carry him 
round the square in the presence of his family. 

Not content with this, they beat him severely, 
and he was then sent into the place I came from. 
This person remained in prison at the last ac- 
counts I had from thence. I feel fully convinced 
that no crime could be proved against him, nor 
had he in any way acted in opposition to the 
usurper Miguel. His only offence, a suspected 
Freemason, of which fraternity he knows nothing 
whatever. 

From all this it will be seen, that the clergy, 
with their bishop at the head of them, not only 
connived at the conduct of the mob, but paid 
them to do all the mischief they could. This 
man had farmed or rented a part of the tithe, 
and other dues belonging to the church, and the 
corn was lodged in a store a little distance from 
his house : all that was found in his house was 
taken away. 

Some of the mob having discovered that he 
had a granary at the rear of his house, there was 



m 



an universal shout set up ; but it being soon dis- 
covered to belong to the bishop, not another 
word was said on the subject. 

There were now four of us in a small room, 
and a sentinel looking at us through a square 
hole in the door, sometimes two ; a corporal to 
watch the sentinel, and an officer to w r atch him ; 
and all for fear there should be any communica- 
tion. We were obliged to keep the window 
nearly closed, lest the mob, who continued to 
threaten us from morning till night, should actu- 
ally injure us with throwing missiles through the 
window. 

Sir John Doyle and the other gentlemen who 
were my fellow-prisoners, were sent off to Lis- 
bon several days before me. They left Leiria 
about ten o'clock in the morning ; and from the 
ferocity of the mob, I never expected they would 
have left it alive. 

The escort of the prisoners was sixteen dra- 
goons. The mob had nearly overpowered them at 
the entrance of the gaol ; and had not the sergeant 
been extremely active in giving the word 
" march," as soon as the gentlemen were 
mounted, nothing could have saved them from 
being massacred. 

G 



82 



CHAPTER XI. 

INSOLENCE AND HYPOCRISY OF THE PRIESTS. EXAMINATION 
BEFORE THE PROVINCIAL JUDGE. 

I was now left alone, but during the day- 
was joined by three more prisoners, and the next 
day an additional two. It will appear strange 
that in this tumultuous and sanguinary mob 
there were nearly as many women as men, be- 
sides a number of children. All these were 
shouting, u Death to the Freemasons !" I pre- 
sume it will be obvious to every reader that these 
brutal proceedings of the mob must have been 
connived at, if not openly sanctioned, by the real 
governors of the country — the bigotted and 
blood-thirsty priests, who cling together and 
suck the blood of the Portuguese nation, like a 
nest of vampires. 

I well remember, when a poor Italian juggler 
came to Leiria to perform his feats of dexterity, 
that the bishop (pious soul S) interposed his au- 



83 



thority to prevent the exhibition, lest the morals 
of the people should have been contaminated ! And, 
on another occasion, a poor man (a drummer) 
was buried by the side of the river, without the 
aid of priestcraft, because he died " without 
confession," and sometimes, like his betters, got 
intoxicated : though I, who knew him well, never 
knew him to do harm to any one. 

When the missionaries (a set of raggamuffin 
friars) go round the country, confessing and 
preaching, every one is presumed to go and hear 
them. These fellows are the most ignorant of 
their ignorant fraternity, and, from affected hu- 
mility, wear neither shoes or stockings, nor even 
linen ; but, as a proof of their attention to carnal 
matters, they are, without exception, immensely 
fat. They invariably put up at the best house 
in any town, and live on the fat of the land. 

One of these missionaries (of hypocrisy) was 
preaching at Leiria a few years since, and in his 
sermon observed, that " when the Holy Ghost 
came down to men, he went up to heaven again 
by a ladder, and got through a trap-door, without 
any body knowing it V 9 A friend of mine, at 
Leiria, laughed at this mode of expression, and 
was observed to do so by some of the rabble, who 

G 2 



84 

went and informed the bishop. In the evening 
the poor man was seized by the inquisitors, and 
kept four hours on his knees, in a hall paved with 
stone, as a punishment. This so terrified the 
poor fellow, that he never was the same man 
afterwards. He told me the circumstance him- 
self, but would not tell me the conversation he 
had with the pious bishop. 

This will serve to shew the zeal of the worthy 
prelate in propagating ignorance and slavery ; 
but it leads one to inquire why he did not repri- 
mand his flock when they were desiring and 
clamoring for the death of their fellow-creatures, 
or insulting those already in chains, not two 
hundred yards from his palace ? 

I should say much more concerning the in- 
famous conduct of persons in authority at Leiria 
and the vicinity, were I not restrained by the 
fact of my wife (a worthy and most amiable 
woman) being still on the spot. But if the blood- 
hounds of Don Miguel, or his holy supporters, 
dare to violate the protection due to an innocent 
and unfortunate female, they are even greater 
monsters than I have yet depicted, and the just 
vengeance of Heaven will surely light on their 
abominable cruelties. 



85 

On the eighteenth day of my confinement, in 
the afternoon, I was informed by the jailer that 
I was to undergo an examination. I said I was 
perfectly ready for any thing they wished. 

In about five minutes I was taken from my 
prison, and escorted, by two soldiers, through a 
passage to the Senate-house, where the Juis de 
Fora of Vianna, who had made his escape from 
that place when Don Pedro's friends declared 
themselves, was waiting my arrival. 

It is highly proper to mention this man's name, 
in order that his friends may know with what 
zeal he examined one of Don Miguel's greatest 
enemies. 

When I entered the hall, Senor Francisco Rod- 
rigues Malheiris Trancoso, souto maior, (who 
was commissioned by the corregidor of Leiria to 
examine me,) was sitting at a table, with a notary 
public on each side of him, both of whom were 
well known to me, and one of them under consi- 
derable obligations to me. 

They all rose from their seats when I entered, 
and the magistrate desired me to be seated, and 
ordered the soldiers to withdraw. 

The magistrate affected to enter on my exami- 



86 

nation with the utmost gravity and mildness, with 
the view of making me believe he was truly sorry 
for my condition ; but his side glances to the 
notaries convinced me that his real feelings towards 
me were far different. The examination proceeded 
nearly in the following words. 

Magistrate. What is your name ? 

Prisoner. William Young. 

Mag. Are you married ? 

Pris. Yes ; during the last seventeen years, to 
a Portuguese lady. 

Mag. Did you come to this country by land, or 
water ? 

Pris. By water. 

Mag. Do you know what you are confined for? 
Pris. No. 

Mag. Come, come, you know very well. 
Pris. I do not. I have committed no crime. 
Mag. Who took you to prison ? 
Pris. A major, and a division of military. 
Mag. Major Pavia Raposa? 
Pris. It may be. I do not know him. 
Mag. Yes ; it was he. What did he say to 
you ? 

Pris. He said I was a spy. 



87 

Mag. You just now stated that you did not 
know what you were confined for. You now 
confess you were confined for being a spy. 

Pris. I do not ; I am not a spy. 

Mag. But you have confessed it. Come, come, 
this cannot hurt you much. You are an English- 
man, and of course a Republican and Freemason : 
are you not ? 

Pris. If you will tell me what a Freemason is, 
I will then tell you if I be one or not. 

Mag. Come, come, it cannot do you any harm 
to acknowledge that. 

Pris. I may be a Mason ; but you must tell me 
what it is, before I can acknowledge it. 

Mag. Pray tell me — what is your reason for 
hating Don Miguel the First, and his govern- 
ment? 

Pris. I never said I hated either him, or his 
government. 

Mag. Why did you come up the country armed, 
mounted on a mule with bells, terrifying people 
with bad news ? 

Pris. I was not armed, neither did I tell any 
badnews . 

Mag. Did not you meet the twenty-second 
regiment, and tell them that you would shew 



88 



them the way to glory : and likewise tell them that 
the tenth regiment had run away ? 

P?is. I met the twenty-second regiment at Rio 
Maior, and I did tell them that the tenth regiment 
had ran away, which was the fact, but the rest 
is false. 

Mag. Did you not tell them that the officers 
of the eighth cacadores were made prisoners ? 

Pris. I did : and it is true. 

Mag. But you have no business to tell the truth, 
and you will repent it. 

Pris, Never! 

Mag. If you do not behave yourself, I will send 
you to the dungeon ; I am doing every thing in 
your favour. 

Pris. I thank you, Sir. 

Mag. Did you not, in 1820, play the violin in a 
triumphal car through the streets of Leiria ? 

Pris. Yes, I did, in company with Doctor 
Saraiva and others. 

Mag. We are interrogating you, and we must 
not implicate others. We wish to know what 
you have done, and not what others have done. 

Pris. Except you put down the names of those 
who played with me, I will not sign. 

Mag. That makes no difference ; here are two 



39 

notaries present. Come, come, it is much more 
to your advantage to confess all, than to deny : 
every body knows you are [a Freemason and 
a Republican ; but I shall favour you by saying, 
you are an Englishman, and are noted for liber- 
tinism. 

Pris. You may put down what you please. 

Mag. Did you not give a dinner in 1820, when 
you drank certain healths ? did you not let off 
rockets at your house ? 

Pris. I have often given dinners to my friends, 
and I have often let off rockets. 

Mag. Who were your friends at those dinners ? 

Pris. If you will put all their names down I will 
tell you, if not I will not. 

Mag. I have told you before, we must not im- 
plicate any one ; we are only examining you. 
Do not think I wish to do you any harm. You 
had better confess, and get some one to make 
interest for you. Come, come. 

Pris. I will say no more. I know I am in your 
power, and do as you please with me. 

The magistrate whispered to the two notaries, 
and they closed the proceedings, which all four 
of us signed. I said, however, that I protested 
against their proceedings, for loss of time, and 



90 

damage done to my property. Their only reply 
was a loud laugh ; when the magistrate rang the 
bell, and desired the jailer to re-conduct me to 
prison. These proceedings terminated about four 
p. m.j and about nine the same evening I re- 
ceived a note from the jailer to the following 
effect :~ 

" Guilherme Inglez (William Englishman) to 
march under a military escort at two a. m., with 
leave to hire a mule." 



91 



CHAPTER XII. 

PREPARATION FOR MY REMOVAL TO LISBON. BRUTALITY OF 
THE MIGUELITES. 

I begged the jailer would immediately go to 
Mrs. Young, and acquaint her with what had 
taken place, and request her to send me a port- 
manteau, some money for the journey, and to 
hire two mules, one for me, and one for a servant 
to accompany me. All this was done by about 
eleven o'clock at night, and my wife came to the 
gaol with the servant. 

Our interview was painful in the extreme, no 
less from the affliction under which my wife was 
labouring, and which was aggravated by the sight 
of the other prisoners, and the horrible stench of 
the prison, but the dread of my being murdered 
on the road (as many other prisoners had been) 
completely overcame her : I therefore desired 
the servant to take her home, and patiently 
awaited the hour of my departure. 



92 - 

I must here take leave to diverge from my own 
narrative for a moment, to relate the story of 
Joseph Claro, a Frenchman by birth, but who 
had been resident in Portugal about thirty years, 
the greater portion of which he had lived at the 
town of Merinha Grande, where the late Mr. 
Stephens (an Englishman) had established a 
glass manufactory. 

Joseph Claro was, by profession, a landscape 
and scene painter. I have known him eighteen 
years as a man of unblemished character, both in 
Leiria and Merinha Grande, and can vouch for 
the fact of his never manifesting any inclination 
for political intrigue, or political society. 

Previous to the return of Don Miguel to Lisbon, 
this poor man was employed by the procurator 
of the corporation to paint transparencies for the 
illuminations that were to take place on Don 
Miguel's arrival. 

He was commissioned by this officer to paint 
something analogous to the subject ; but the 
choice of the emblematical figures was left with 
himself, from his well known talent in that 
department of painting. 

With the hope of gratifying all parties, and 
without any other intention but that of exerting 



93 

his skill in the most appropriate manner in the 
task he had undertaken, he portrayed Don 
Pedro in the centre, his daughter (the young- 
queen of Portugal) on one side, and Don Miguel 
on the other. The articles of the Portuguese 
Constitution, with the figure of Justice holding 
the balance, suspended over them, and the eye 
of Providence, in a triangle, over all. 

Just before Don Miguel arrived, the paintings 
were completed by Claro, and the senators and 
corregidor went to examine them. At the first 
glance the painting was condemned by these 
barbarians. 

The corregidor said the eye of Providence was 
a masonic emblem, and ordered it to be painted 
over. The artist replied, <s he was not in the 
habit of blotting out what he had once painted ; 
neither did the idea originate with him, for that 
the same emblem appears on the sceptre which 
the figure of Don Jose holds in his hand, in the 
Black House Square, Lisbon ; and, if it had been 
considered an improper emblem, it would surely 
not have been allowed in that fine statue." 

The corregidor, whose ignorance was thus ex- 
posed, gave orders, however, that the painter 
should blot out Don Pedro and his daughter ; to 



94 

which the painter replied, "He was sorry they 
had not prescribed to him a subject, instead of 
leaving it to his own imagination ; but, as it was, 
there was the picture, and whatever they might 
chose to do with it, he would never blot out Don 
Pedro and his daughter." 

The enraged corregidor then threatened him 
with imprisonment for not obeying his orders ; 
and also the procurator, for taking part with the 
unfortunate painter. 

When the day of illumination arrived, these 
miserable tools of the Jesuit faction, adopted the 
following device, to mortify the Constitutional 
party in Leiria :—they covered Don Pedro and his 
daughter with black cloth, and left Don Miguel to 
be illuminated by himself! ! ! 

The reader may readily imagine that the unfor- 
tunate Frenchman, for his integrity, was marked 
out by these wretches as a victim for persecution ; 
and the following is a faithful account of the pro- 
ceedings, which took place on the 11th of June 
last, and which will cover the reptiles who placed 
the imbecile Miguel on the throne, with disgrace, 
as long as Portugal retains a name. 

A party of about twenty (consisting of stu- 
dents, militia, and ruffians, called regular soldiers) 



95 

proceeded to Merinha Grande, and forced open 
the door of Senhor Claro's house. He had retired 
to rest with his wife ; but they pulled him out of 
bed, and held him in confinement, while some of 
the party forced open his drawers and trunks, 
from whence they took and destroyed all his 
papers ; after which they forced him away, with 
such rapidity, as not to allow him the privilege of 
taking leave of his wife, nor of even speaking to 
her. 

After this abominable outrage, they took ano- 
ther poor man, a Spanish surgeon, who was 
labouring under sickness at the time. 

When they left Merinha Grande with their 
prisoners, it was nearly day-light. During their 
march to Leiria, they repeatedly struck and 
abused poor Claro ; and as soon as it was fairly 
day, they halted, and made him turn his coat, and 
stuck his hat so full of boughs, that it was with 
the utmost difficulty he could sustain their 
weight. 

They next placed a long green stick in his hand, 
and made him walk in this manner through the 
country, alternately striking him and spitting in 
his face, till they arrived at Leiria. 

Between five and six in the morning of the 



96 

12th of June, I heard the explosion of rockets, and 
a great shouting of the mob, who were always 
lurking round the gaol, ready to insult every un- 
fortunate victim of such abominable despotism 
and cruelty, who arrived at the gaol. On look- 
ing through the prison-bars, I saw poor Claro 
and his fellow prisoner, pass, accompanied by the 
taunts and insults of the villainous rabble. They 
were taken before the corregidor, and very soon 
afterwards brought to the gaol, amidst the most 
shameful execrations of the mob. The Spaniard 
was so ill that he could scarcely walk. The 
orders issued for insulting the prisoners were 
chiefly directed against the Frenchman, although 
the other did not escape without receiving some 
blows. They were placed in different parts of 
the gaol, and no person allowed to see them. 



97 



CHAPTER XIII. 

DEPARTURE FOR LISBON UNDER ESCORT, AND ARRIVAL AT 
THE CASTLE OF ST. GEORGE. 

The next morning (the 13th), at two o'clock, 
I heard the horses arrive at the gaol door, and in 
a few minutes the jailer came to my apartment, 
and introduced the serjeant commanding the 
escort. This man, whose appearance was highly 
prepossessing, inquired of the jailer who were 
the prisoners. He was informed by the jailer, 
pointing at me, " That is one : he is an English- 
man, and the other is a Frenchman ; I suppose 
you have given a receipt for them to the corre- 
gidore?" He replied in the affirmative, and added, 
" I have got my instructions ; the sooner we are 
off the better." 

When we reached the street, and joined the 
escort, I was surprised to see my poor fellow pri- 
soner, who was near sixty years of age, in so 

H 



98 



miserable a dress, and without even a second 
shirt, or money of any description in his pocket ; 
he had no opportunity of obtaining any assistance 
whatever from his family, nor was he even 
permitted the pleasure of hearing from them. 

Between an escort of dragoons, we had to 
march about ninety miles, under a burning sun, 
over bad roads, and passing frequently through 
insulting mobs.* 

I could wish in this place to describe the events 
of our journey to Lisbon, but at present it would 
not be proper to do so for obvious reasons. I 
hired a mule for my fellow prisoner, at the first 
village in our line of march, and we arrived in the 
capital on the 16th June. 

I had written to my wife from every stage, and 
paid peasants to take the letters to her. 

On our arrival at Lisbon we were conducted 
before the intendant of police, who immediately 
ordered us to the castle ; we were next brought 
before the secretary of the prison, who registered 

* I should merit the charge of ingratitude, did I not here declare 
that both Senhor Claro and myself owe the preservation of 
our lives to the humanity of Serjeant Antonio Goaquim, of the 4th 
regiment of cavalry. My gratitude is most deeply due to that 
Divine Providence which placed us under this man's command ; 
without which, in all probability, I never should have set foot again 
on this land of liberty. 



99 

our names, the names of our relatives, and places 
of birth. 

We were then separated ; the Frenchman was 
placed in a common room, with about eighty other 
prisoners, while I was placed in one in which there 
were about four and twenty, nearly half of whom 
were Spaniards. 

One of my new companions, who was called the 
juis (the judge or authority) was a common thief. 
He had formerly been a servant to General Stubbs, 
and had been under sentence of transportation a 
long time, for robbing that gentleman. It will 
be highly proper here to give a short account of 
this notorious character, as it will tend to shew 
how the different classes of prisoners were treated 
in the gaol of the Castle of St. George. 

Common thieves, and even murderers, were 
better treated than persons confined simply on 
political charges. This remark extends even to 
military prisoners, from the private soldier to the 
general officer, whose only crime, probably, was 
executing that which he thought his duty to his 
king and country. 

This convicted thief was, as I have stated, the 
juis or local authority of the apartment I was first 
placed in. The secretary informed me he would 

h 2 



100 

do any thing for me I wished ; he commenced our 
acquaintance in the true Portuguese manner, by 
requiring me to pay him sixteen vintimes (about 
ei^hteen-pence) for entrance money, which, from 
policy, I immediately complied with, half this 
money going into his own pocket, and the other 
moiety being expended in the purchase of oil for 
a lamp, and for the sweepers of the apartment. 

This culprit, though under sentence of trans- 
portation, and notwithstanding many others under 
similar circumstances have been sent abroad, has 
no idea himself of ever being shipped off. 

He is not only the juis of the Saletta (the little 
hall), but is servant to the Saloa (the great hall), 
where all the officers are : none of them being al- 
lowed a servant of their own, this man is supposed 
to attend them. He gets money and victuals from 
all those who have it ; and when an opportunity 
offers, it is found that he has not left off his old 
calling (thieving), though he has taken up a new 
one — that of a spy upon the words and actions of 
his fellow prisoners. 

Not a syllable is uttered in any part of the gaol 
which he attends that is not instantly conveyed to 
the jailer or the book-keeper, and, in a few minutes, 
from them to the intendant of police ; so, that in fact, 



101 

every one is literally afraid of this man. He is rea- 
lizing considerable property in various ways, most 
of which, however, is given him in the nature of hush 
money, when any indiscreet or thoughtless sally 
may have put an inmate of the prison in his power. 

Thus generals, colonels, majors, captains, and 
every prisoner in the castle are constantly at the 
mercy of a rapacious and notoriously convicted 
thief and vagabond, 

I will now relate the means by which this fellow 
eludes the justice of his country. The process, or 
warrant, is always deposited at the escrivao's 
office, and it is in his power to keep back the pro- 
cess from the intendant of police; the judges 
merely look at those documents which the escri- 
vaos lay before them. 

I was in the secretary's office a short time be- 
fore I left the prison, and the clerk, or escrivao, 
who held this man's process, came there, and in 
my presence told him, " You must leave this 
place, and go to the Cova-da Moura," another 
prison, in which those only who are under sen- 
tence of transportation are kept, ready to embark 
whenever a ship sails with convicts. 

It is only from that prison they are sent ; those 



102 

prisoners who can remain in other prisons are 
safe, as far as regards leaving the country. 

This fellow answered the escrivao, " He hoped 
he would manage it for him :" to which the 
escrivao replied, " Mande o denheiro e veremos^ 
" Send the money, and we shall see." 

I asked him, after the escrivao was gone, how 
much he should send ; to which he replied, " The 
escrivao is a downright thief, he thinks all I earn 
is for him. I have given him, within these twelve 
months, more than twenty moidas, and now I 
must send him at least two more, because he 
knows there is a ship going to Africa." 

I was only a few days under the command of 
General Stubbs' late worthy servant, before I 
was removed to another prison, called the Salla 
Livre. The juis of this prison had been a tailor, 
and a soldier in the militia ; he had stabbed some 
person, but not fatally. In this prison I had 
eighteen vintimes to pay, from it being consi- 
dered a better prison than the Saletta. 



103 



CHAPTER XIV. 

PRISON IN ST. GEORGE'S CASTLE, LISBON. 

I shall now proceed to give a short descrip- 
tion of the gaol, or prison, in St. George's Castle, 
at Lisbon, as well as of St. George himself, who 
commands it. 

The prison stands on the highest ground in the 
Castle, and is the first building on the south side 
toward the Tagus. Near the entrance it is 
divided internally as follows below: — Saletta (the 
small hall) ; Salla Livre (free hall), so called, 
because visitors are allowed to go in to see their 
friends, except when the jailer or intendant 
orders otherwise ; Salla Fechado (the hall shut), 
so called, because no communication is allowed 
with the prisoners in that hall ; Enchovia (the 
common prison), where thieves, murderers, and 
vagabonds of every description are confined. 



104 



This last receptacle is a horrid place ; and is 
often made use of as a punishment for prisoners 
from other parts of the gaol. Hither they are 
sent when they commit any offence, for as many 
days as the jailer may think proper, and are 
often put in irons during that time. 

Beside these different prisons on the ground 
floor, there are eight dungeons in a line, all nearly 
alike in shape and size ; but some are superior to 
others as to light and air : and in proportion to 
the degree they wish to annoy the unfortunate 
victim, so are these dungeons used. A few 
dollars never fail to procure a better light and 
air when properly applied. 

Three of these dungeons are about six feet 
higher than the other five. There is a corridor in 
the front of them, which is always shut up when 
any one is confined in them, so that no one can 
ever approach the door of a dungeon. And to 
make this a matter of certainty, whenever the 
jailer or officers of the prison carry prisoners 
their food, they lock the door of the corridor 
before they open that of the dungeon. 

The first of the lower five of these dungeons is 
in the passage leading from the Salla Livre, and 
next door to the privy of the prison ; so that it is 



105 



never used as a secret dungeon. The lower four 
are enclosed as those above, and are much darker 
than that in the passage. This latter is claimed 
by the book-keeper as his property, and I hired it 
of him to sleep in, and to be alone when I wished 
to be so. 

I must confess, that both the jailer and secre- 
tary were very civil to me. They were, of course, 
obliged to perform their duty, or the intendant 
would soon put others in their places. 

The dungeons are all bomb proof, and over 
them is a terrace thickly formed of brick and 
stone: still I could distinctly hear the sentry 
walking over my head when all was quiet at 
night. 

The walls of these cells are about six feet thick, 
with bars inside and out; the bars in the windows 
are three inches square, making twelve inches in 
circumference, and being crossed they form 
squares of about eight inches ; the windows differ 
very much in size, some not being half so large as 
others. 

Beside these double bars, there is a shutter 
immensely strong and close, so that when shut, 
light is totally excluded ; the iron door has a 
strong bolt and lock, and outside of this there is a 



106 

strong wooden door ; in the front of the windows, 
and about six feet from them, there is a high 
wall ; so that in the best of these dungeons, there 
is only a reflected light. 

These are all the prisons on the ground floor, 
and when full (which they too often are) the 
wretched prisoners are forced to lie at night in 
two rows, with their feet to the wall, and their 
heads to the middle of the room ; this position 
they adopt on account of the cold and damp of 
the stone walls ; they touch each other, and the 
floor is completely covered. Nay, at times, so full 
is the gaol, that they are obliged to lie on the cor- 
ridors, and even on the steps. 

The Saletta will hold forty prisoners, the Salla 
Livre more than sixty, the Salla Fechado one 
hundred, and the Enchovia, near one hundred 
and forty. When one prison becomes too full, 
they remove some of the victims to another, or 
send them to the forts, or on board the ships in 
the river. 

The first floor is divided into two parts, officers 
rooms, and the Sallad, (saloon or large hall.) This 
hall will hold about 150 persons, when full. The 
officers rooms are in a narrow passage on each 
side, except at the entrance, there they are only 



107 

on one side. There are eighteen of these rooms 
in all ; they are very small, not more than nine 
feet square. There are, in general, two officers in 
a room, and the remainder of them, when the 
rooms are full, must be in the Sallao, and lie on 
the floor, or any way they can. 

When I left the castle, there were upwards of 
seventy officers in the Sallao, and in the rooms, 
except two rooms : in one of these last was a 
General Pego, a man eighty-two years of age. 

This venerable officer was incarcerated, and 
not allowed to see or hear from his family or 
friends. His only crime was that of obeying 
the orders of Don John the 6th, in the time of 
the first constitution: to maintain which, that 
good though weak monarch had sworn in pre- 
sence of the Cortes, and the whole of the am- 
bassadors from foreign courts then in Lisbon. 
When in the act of doing so, he looked towards 
the ambassadors, and voluntarily added to his 
oath, " Tell your sovereigns that I swear with all 
my heart," at the same time placing his hand on 
his left breast. 

Who could imagine they would be doing wrong 
by obeying the orders of their lawful monarch, in 
defending that to which he had so solemnly sworn 



108 



with all his heart? The word of a king 
ought to be sacred ; but his oath should be 
inviolable. 

The general had orders from his government 
to enforce martial law, in all places where he 
found the people in arms against the constitution, 
and to burn to the ground any town or village that 
rebelled against it. He had in consequence done 
his duty, and burnt the town of Trindade in the 
province of Tras-os-Montes, and punished several 
persons by military law ; and for these lawful 
acts, and the mere discharge of his military orders, 
he is now suffering in a loathsome gaol I 

Besides the Sallad and officers' rooms on the first 
floor, there is a room set apart for questioning 
people who are in the dungeons. This room has 
an entrance from the street, and another through 
a passage from the dungeons, as well as one from 
the officers' rooms. 

The magistrate and his clerk enter from the 
street, and no one in the prison sees them. The 
prisoner is taken up stairs from the dungeon, and 
the jailer or book-keeper enters from the officers' 
apartments. Every thing is done in the most 
secret manner. If they cannot cause the prisoner 
to commit himself, by confessing to the offence 



209 

with which he is charged, they send him back 
again to the dungeon. 

A young man was brought out who had been 
fifty-two days in one of the worst of the cells, 
without being questioned till the day he was 
brought out. He had neither been shaved, or 
had his nails cut ; he had neither seen or felt any 
instrument that would cut during the whole 
time; he was perfectly frightf ul to behold. I 
had been a month there at the period when he came 
01U. He is a respectable young man of the 8th 
cagadores. 

The gaol of St. George's has a second floor 
tier of offices ; but that belongs to the governor 
and jailer; there are no prisoners above the 
ground and the first floor. 



110 



CHAPTER XV. 

MANAGEMENT AND CONDITION OF PRISONS IN PORTUGAL; 
PROCESSION OF CORPUS CHRISTI, WITH THE GOVERNOR 
ST. GEORGE. 

I shall now explain the mode of governing 
this prison, by which the reader will become at 
once acquainted with all the other prisons in 
Portugal, the plan being nearly uniform. 

In the first place, there is no gaol allowance in 
any part of the country. It may appear strange 
in England, but when a man is locked up in 
Portugal, if he has no money to send for food, 
or no one brings him any, he may absolutely 
starve. 

None of the authorities ever inquire whether he 
has any means of subsistence ; there is neither 
bed, blanket, nor even straw, unless the prisoner 
can buy it, and then he must pay the guards to 
let it pass to him. 

Amongst the many thousands of unfortunate 
beings who are now confined in Portugal, great 



Ill 



numbers of them are without money or any other 
means of subsistence ; and were it not for the 
charity of people in general, starvation would 
necessarily ensue. 

The Portuguese are naturally a very charitable, 
humane, and hospitable people, or the vagabond 
friars could not pillage them so greatly. No 
nation can be more charitably disposed. There 
is in all towns where there is a prison, an insti- 
tution called Caridade (Charity.) They have a com- 
mittee and a treasurer ; each brother or sister con- 
tributes six vintimes (about seven-pence) annually, 
which are paid on the festival of Coracao de Jesus; 
when a sermon is preached, dedicated to Cha- 
rity : after the sermon, they make a grand pro- 
cession. 

Besides the annual payments, the members 
take it in turn to go round the town, with baskets 
in their hands, to beg or solicit charity. They 
receive any thing ; some give money, some bread, 
others beans, rice, greens, &c. ; all this is taken 
to the treasurer, who, with others who are ap- 
pointed, make the requisite arrangements for 
their distribution. 

By their desire, the jailer of the prison sends 
them a list, which is made out every evening by 



112 

the juis of each apartment in the prison, who 
performs his office by calling aloud, " Who accepts 
the caridade?" Those who have nothing to depend 
on, naturally reply in the affirmative; and accord- 
ingly every day at 11 o'clock, a large copper 
kettle is brought in by two cooks, filled with broth, 
composed of french beans, cabbages, or greens of 
some kind or other, cut up small, and boiled with 
a little oil. 

When this mess arrives, the persons who ac- 
cept it, form in line, or in a circle, according to 
circumstances, and sing in a loud voice a prayer 
to the Virgin Mary ; this is a ceremony never 
omitted in any part of Portugal. 

Upon delivering out this charity, each man ob- 
tains for his share about a pint and a half of this 
broth, and a small loaf, which differs in size and 
weight in different towns ; in Lisbon it is com- 
monly about the same size, rather more than half 
a pound. 

Many prisoners of great respectability were re- 
ceiving the caridade when I left the castle ; and I 
cannot forbear expressing a hope that every Eng- 
lishman who reads this, should he ever be in 
Portugal, will contribute his mite to this charity ; 
it is beyond all doubt one of the most benevo- 



113 

lent objects for which a person can offer his 
bounty. 

The whole expence of this prison to the go- 
vernment, is as follows: — there are a jailer and ten 
guards, no other authority being employed about 
it ; the jailer, I have been told, has a salary 
worth about ten shillings a day: and with respect 
to the guards, I can speak to the fact of their re- 
ceiving about seven ventimes, or about eight-pence 
English money. 

Out of these emoluments they pay a duty to 
government, which makes their pay five ven- 
times and a half. These ten guards are reduced to 
eight efficient men, in consequence of the secretary 
being allowed the pay of two guards, although the 
dutyis supposed to be doneby the jailer, who takes 
care not to trouble himself about it. 

Of these six guards three are always on duty: 
one of them is stationed at the first iron gate at 
the entrance of the prison, another at the second 
gate, and a third to attend the interior, each with 
a bunch of keys in his hand, which serve for 
nearly all the doors. 

They are relieved every night at nine o'clock, 
when the man who is posted at the outer door 
carries a strong iron rod, with which he strikes 



114 

every bar in the windows and gates of the gaol ; 
and if any one of them does not vibrate, or ring, 
he carefully inspects it, to ascertain whether it 
has been cut with a saw, or corroded by any 
strong acid. This precaution, which is so cha- 
racteristic of Portuguese suspicion of treachery, 
and which furnishes the most dismal music (for 
at least an hour), is no sooner terminated, than 
the prisoners in every room are mustered and 
counted before the old guard go off duty, and the 
relief takes place. The guard on duty may 
beat the prison bars as often as he thinks proper ; 
and they sometimes do so in the middle of the 
night, apparently for no other purpose than to 
annoy the prisoners. 

These wretched guards or jailers make prey 
of every one who falls under their jurisdiction. 
Indeed, if they did not, their pay would be quite 
insufficient to support them ; the whole expense 
of the prison, to government, not amounting to 
more than sixteen shillings a day. 

It may appear extraordinary, that such few 
officers and guards are enabled to controul and 
manage upwards of four hundred prisoners ; for 
there were at least that number confined in the 
castle when I left it. But I have already stated 



115 

that every room, or ward, of the prison, contains 
a juis (governor), a mixinguero (the governor's ad- 
jutant), and a varador (a sweeper). These men 
are always selected from the greatest blackguards 
in the prison. The adjutant and sweeper acquaint 
the juis with every thing that happens, and very 
frequently with things which never exist but in 
their own heads : the juis tells the secretary or the 
jailer. The prisoners consequently have the ut- 
most dread of these vagabond authorities, which 
the latter are aware of, and exercise their influ- 
ence accordingly. Independently of this internal 
government of the prison, there is a sort of picket- 
guard, posted round the exterior of the gaol. 

The castle of Lisbon (or gaol) being dedicated 
to St. George, the image or effigy of his saintship 
is taken the utmost care of, and receives pay (or 
some locum tenens for him) as governor. On the 
annual festival of Corpus Christi, his excellency 
is brought out with all proper ceremony as gover- 
nor, accoutred in silver boots and gold spurs, a 
large hat turned up in the Spanish fashion, with 
a large diamond in front, and a spear in his hand. 
This gentleman, who is as li large as life," and 
made with a tolerable sized corporation (out of 
compliment to the prevailing figure of the lazy 

i 2 



116 

monks and friars, who feed on the fat of the land), 
is then screwed on to a saddle, and placed on a 
white horse to fall into the procession. After the 
procession is over, he is taken to the treasury to 
receive his pay. 

A story is current in Lisbon, that on one of 
these occasions, when they put the purse, con- 
taining the money, in his excellency's hand, he let 
it fall to the ground, which excited no slight con- 
sternation amongst the besotted and priest-ridden 
rabble, who form the majority on all such occa- 
sions ; but it was considered as a miracle, which 
it certainly was among such a set of thieves, that 
only a few reis, or about one farthing, was mis- 
sing from his excellency's purse. 

Before proceeding with the narrative of trans- 
actions connected with my trial, I must still be 
allowed to state some additional facts as to the 
treatment of the prisoners, and the general state 
of the prison of St. George. 

When I was carried to this prison, it was 
extremely hot weather, and the gaol was very 
much -crowded. I was confined in it from the 
16th of June till the 7th of September. The 
atmosphere of the place was villanous, though 
not so bad as in the small gaol at Leiria. The 



117 

greatest annoyances I suffered was from the bugs; 
the walls of the apartment were literally swarm- 
ing with these abominable vermin. 

About seven o'clock in the morning, when the 
windows were opened, these gentry began to 
retire up the walls by thousands ; and the march 
occupied the whole body from that time till ten 
o'clock, before they could all reach the holes and 
crannies from whence they issued, in the ceiling. 

These vermin have a great dislike to grease of 
all kinds ; and, for the purpose of destroying 
them, the prisoners usually plaster up the holes 
in the walls, as high as they could get at them, 
with tallow, and burn them out with the flame 
of the candle ; but this was all to no effect in my 
cell, which swarmed with them. 

I was, however, determined to be rid of these 
gentry, if possible. I bought as many candles as 
would allow me to plaster all round the top of 
the wall, so as to form an actual barrier of grease. 
I next stopped the holes below, thinking that night, 
at least, to obtain good rest. But, to my great 
astonishment, though I had drawn a line of tallow 
all round my bed, on the floor, I was harassed 
with just as many of them as before : they literally 
dropped themselves from the ceiling upon me. 



118 

When I mentioned ray distress in the morning 
to my fellow-prisoners, they merely laughed at 
me, and said they could have told me all this, for 
they experienced the same thing every night. 

We were also disturbed by every other species 
of small vermin " which flesh is heir to," besides 
being over-run with rats and mice ; the rats were 
quite familiar with us. I never saw any one offer 
to injure them ; they ran about all parts of the 
prison, in the open day, without fear of molesta- 
tion. The scavengers of the gaol were too idle to 
sweep the rooms more than once during a day, 
and sometimes not so frequently ; and the lower 
part was washed but once in a week, if it may be 
called washing, to merely cover it with w T ater, 
which was then swept out ; but the smaller ver- 
min, being mostly confined to the walls and ceil- 
ings, with the exception of the vast number w T e 
retained about us, as body-guards, the washing 
of the floors only served to cool the place for a 
few hours. 



119 



CHAPTER XVI. 

HORRORS OF PORTUGUESE IMPRISONMENT. 

It is scarcely possible for any Englishman, but 
those who have been sufferers, to form an ade- 
quate idea of the effect produced on the animal 
spirits from being incarcerated in one of those 
loathsome and detestable prisons, which, at the 
present moment, contain so many thousands of 
unfortunate victims. 

Men confined in these prisons appear, by de- 
grees, to become other beings ; their temper is 
altered, their general behaviour is different— they 
become extremely impatient for any kind of news 
or intelligence from without, and are credulous 
in the extreme. 

It was really curious to observe the rise and 
fall of animal spirits amongst these unfortunate 
men, according to the different intelligence they 
received. 



120 

Notwithstanding the strictness of the prohibi- 
tion, news was continually brought in through 
some stratagem or other. The prisoners being 
all politicians, or rather, charged with political 
offences, their crimes almost uniformly consist- 
ing of being friends to Don Pedro's Constitutional 
Charter, they had, very naturally, great hopes of 
being liberated by the arrival in Lisbon of the 
constitutional troops, then at Coimbra. 

We occasionally smuggled in a Gazette from 
Oporto, which never failed to enliven the hopes 
and brighten up every countenance. The Lisbon 
Gazette, on the contrary, which was freely 
allowed admittance to us, would, from its 
counter-statements and depressing details, damp 
all the hope, the ardour, and enthusiasm which 
the other had raised. Whenever any thing ap- 
peared in the Miguelite Gazette which shewed 
even a prospect of the British government re- 
cognizing the government of Don Miguel, its 
effect was like the falling of the mercury be- 
low the freezing-point, congealing even the 
sources of all hope and of liberty. 

The situation in which I was placed, from my 
being an Englishman, was exceedingly delicate : 
I was appealed to for the truth of certain state- 



121 



merits, and suspected of political insincerity with 
regard to others. 

Whenever any intelligence was brought in (no 
matter in how questionable a shape), which re- 
lated to the acknowledgment of Don Miguel by 
the British ministry, I was assailed by every 
tongue, as if I had been the representative of my 
country. " Sir,'' said they, with the strongest 
emotions, " what your government is now doing 
will be our ruin ! They brought us a constitu- 
tion, lent us troops to support it, then sent them 
away, and will ultimately recognize Don Miguel ! 
Had Mr. Canning lived, this would not have been 
the case : that minister would never have 
allowed the English army to be withdrawn when 
they were most wanted. It is to your govern- 
ment alone that we owe all our misery : Don 
Miguel would never have acted as he does, with- 
out the certainty of being supported by the British 
government, or some one in England who sends him 
instructions and informs him of the sentiments of 
that government. We know the great man sends 
a large package by two of the packets, and we 
well know who delivers them to the old Queen. 
She would receive dispatches by every packet, 
if all masters of these vessels would disgrace 



122 



themselves ; but some of these gentlemen will 
not be guilty of such servile tricks. The agents 
of the palace little suppose that we know from 
whom they receive these packages, and to whom 
they deliver them : but we know every thing, 
though we cannot speak, because we should 
injure persons in the palace, as well as ourselves. 
Let us only be liberated, and we shall keep 
nothing secret." 

To such declarations as the preceding, and 
which were addressed to me daily and almost 
hourly, by men in a state bordering on phrenzy 
or despair, what reply could I offer ? Could I 
deny that the vacillating conduct of the British 
cabinet, after the return of Don Miguel to Lisbon, 
had been the indirect means of bringing about 
the infamous usurpation of sovereign authority 
by the clergy and Don Miguel ? Could I deny 
the notorious fact of the usurpation of Miguel in 
defiance of the constitution, which had been esta- 
blished under the solemn treaties between Don 
Pedro and his native land, and which were rati- 
fied and acknowledged by every other govern- 
ment in Europe? What could I say as to the 
fact, that in defiance of our own engagements 
with Don Pedro, and the constitutional autho- 



123 



rities in Portugal, to support that constitution by 
our fleets and our armies, our government suffered 
itself to be cajoled or outwitted by Jesuits and 
traitors, so as to abandon the cause they had 
solemnly espoused ; and by withdrawing the 
British troops and ships, left the patriotic por- 
tion of the Portuguese people to their fate ! 

In speaking of the government or usurpation 
of the poor wretch Don Miguel, it should always 
be borne in memory, that he is the mere tool, the 
state puppet, in the hands of his mother, the 
bigotted and blood-thirsty old Queen ; who is, in 
her turn, the tool, or political engine of the prin- 
cipal jugglers of the college of Jesuits. 

It should never be lost sight of, in speaking of 
the government of Portugal, that we are speaking 
of a set of men whose actions have one object, 
which they are all sworn to maintain as one man- 
that of acquiring absolute dominion over the 
minds and the property of the entire community; 
and for the attainment of which object, they pros- 
titute the sacred name of religion, violate every 
moral and social tie, and are ready to sacrifice 
friend or foe in the attainment of their wishes. 

The British government, therefore, whose 
general principles of state-policy are founded on 



124 

political justice and good faith, ought not to treat 
the present Portuguese government as an honour- 
able or responsible power. They should be con- 
sidered in all negociations as a despicable, though 
powerful junta, combined together for the worst 
purposes, and without a particle of moral pro- 
bity or political faith ; as men who have no more 
regard for their oaths than they have for the 
honour of their country ; and from whom it is 
worse than folly to expect the fulfilment of any 
treaty or obligation, but such as serve to perpe- 
tuate their own political influence. Knowing to 
their own cost, that no measures but those of 
coercion or intimidation from the British govern- 
ment would have any influence with the faction 
now exercising the sovereign power in Portugal, 
under the name of Don Miguel I., it is not at 
all surprising that my unfortunate fellow-prisoners 
in the Castle of St. George should look with the 
most intense interest on every measure emanat- 
ing from the English ministry regarding Portugal. 
These unfortunate men felt — what was the fact — 
that the mere nod of the British cabinet would 
not only have released themselves from captivity, 
but if applied in time, would have prevented the 
national disgrace and misery which have ensued, 



125 

by allowing the blood-hounds of the holy inqui- 
sition, with their minion, the old Queen, in 
the back-ground, and Miguel in the fore-ground, 
to glut their vengeance on all who were distin- 
guished for honesty or patriotism among the Por- 
tuguese. 



126 



CHAPTER XVII. 

LEVY OF TROOPS BY DON MIGUEL ; CHARACTER OF THE 
ROYALIST TROOPS. 

At the period to which my Narrative was 
brought down in the preceding chapter, a general 
order was issued by Don Miguel, calling on all 
the male population who had formerly been sol- 
diers, to repair forthwith to certain rendezvous. 
The men were of course, at the time, dispersed 
over every part of the country, but they repaired 
to the appointed rendezvous without the least 
hesitation, exhibiting the greatest zeal for Don 
Miguel and his cause. 

It was triumphantly said by the Jesuitical fac- 
tion and the friends of Don Miguel — " Why did 
these men come forward so willingly ? Was it 
not a sufficient proof of the general wish of the 
nation that Miguel should be their king? Would 
they have obeyed the Constitutional Charter so 



127 

promptly?" &c. &c. I will endeavour to answer 
these questions, I hope, to the conviction of the 
English reader, and ray statements will be corro- 
borated by all friends of constitutional freedom 
among the Portuguese. 

To the first question — " Why did these men 
come forward so freely?" I answer, that they 
obeyed the call of Don Miguel through fear. If 
the call had been made in the name of the Con- 
stitution, the priests and friars, instead of exciting 
the people to join the army, as they did in the 
case of Don Miguel, would have shrugged their 
shoulders and said, " Let it be done as atonement 
for our sins, and for the love of God.'* Secondly, 
If the disembodied troops had not obeyed the 
order of Don Miguel, they would doubtless have 
been marked men, and classed as Constitution- 
alists or Freemasons, and have been consigned 
to prison as suspected characters or traitors. 

The fact is, that the priests and mendicant 
friars had long been preparing the people, by 
their sermons and exhortations, for the crisis 
which they foresaw. These arch hypocrites lost 
no opportunity to instil into the minds of the 
people the dangers to which the " Freemasons" 
would be exposed ; or, in other words, those who 



128 



were even in the least degree favourable to the 
constitution of Don Pedro. The natural conse- 
quences of this were, that the greater portion 
of those who had been soldiers were in total 
ignorance of the nature of the constitution, while 
others, from fear, suffered themselves to be hurried 
away to their rendezvous, overawed or convinced 
by the artful suggestions and arguments of their 
spiritual advisers. 

The Castle of St. George was the chief dep6t 
for this motley band. They had no regimentals, 
some wer3 decently clothed, while others were 
quite barefoot and nearly naked. None of the 
prisoners were allowed to go near the windows, 
during the stay of these troops at the castle. 
The insults with which they loaded the unfor- 
tunate prisoners were some of them of a nature 
too gross to explain. So far from confining them- 
selves to abusive language, they practised inde- 
cencies too disgusting to mention in the front of 
the prison, whilst the governor and his family 
looked on from their apartment over the gaol. 

These disgraceful transactions, it will naturally 
be supposed, must have annoyed the unfortunate 
friends of Don Pedro, as much as they delighted 
the adherents of Don Miguel, who were the prior 



129 

occupants of the same prison with the Constitu 
tionalists. These friends of Don Miguel, were 
the deserters, thieves, murderers, and other aban- 
doned characters, who had nothing to expect from 
the constitution, but every thing to hope from 
him, who may, with great propriety, be styled the 
head of their profession. 

Many of these miscreants were speedily libe- 
rated by Don Miguel, and sent on the expedition 
to Madeira. I must, however, mention some cir- 
cumstances relative to one of these men, which 
will tend to illustrate a very general remark among 
speculative philanthropists, " that every man has 
a fair as well as a dark side of his character." This 
prisoner's name was Silva. He was the moxin- 
gueiro in the Salla Livre; consequently, as I was 
under his immediate authority, I knew him well. 
He had deserted from several regiments ; he was a 
fine looking young man about five and twenty, and 
much more cleanly in his personal habits, than 
the generality of persons in his rank of life. He 
was, moreover, very active in his duty as adjutant 
to the juis, though he was civil to me in the 
extreme. 

When I found he treated me with so much kind- 
ness, I became very naturally attentive to him ; 

K 



130 

and I subsequently found that he possessed the 
virtue of gratitude in a degree that would have 
reflected credit on persons in a much higher 
station, 

When the expedition was preparing for Madeira, 
and whilst the ships were fitting out, Don Miguel 
affected to render himself as popular as possible. 
He went round to the quarters of the different 
regiments, visited the dungeons and black-holes ; 
and released all the prisoners, whatever might 
have been their crimes, without any inquiry into 
their nature, though the far greater part of them 
were ruffians of desperate character. 

When he visited the 1st regiment, whose quar- 
ters are at the Calcada de Ajuda, at Belem, one 
of the deserters, after coming out of the black- 
hole, caught his august majesty by the knees, and 
taking him up, carried him all round the barrack- 
yard, with which his sovereign majesty seemed 
highly pleased ; it was deemed by the rabble a 
most gracious act of condescension. 

Something of the same kind occurred at the 
quarters of every regiment he visited. We heard 
it was his intention to visit the prisons ; but that 
would not have been convenient, for he would 
have encountered too many Constitutionalists, 



131 



alias <t Freemasons." His friends, the convicts, 
fully expected his arrival ; but although he did 
not visit them, he did not forget them, for they 
were speedily set at liberty to proceed on the 
expedition. 

My friend Silva was one of these liberated cap- 
tives. I missed him exceedingly y he was in the 
habit of procuring breakfast for me in the morn- 
ing, and often managed to fry me a bit of fish for 
dinner. 

When he departed, he embraced me and said, 
" I am going to Madeira, perhaps I may never see 
you again, Deos Ike de saude, " (God give you 
health,) and I consequently expected to see 
him no more. 

Don Miguel had issued an order, that all per- 
sons ordered on the expedition should kiss his 
hand before they sailed. After they had gone 
through this ceremony, and a few days before they 
sailed, Silva called at the jail, and made an excuse 
to come in. He called me on one side, and said 
he wished to speak to me in private ; I took him 
into my cell, and he desired me to shut the door, 
which I did. He said, " I came expressly to see 
you, though I made an excuse to come in to ano- 
ther. I can procure your liberation. Imme- 

k 2 



132 

diately prepare a petition to the king ; say you 
are a friend of his ; that you are confined without 
a crime by your enemies ; that you wish to live 
under the protection of Don Miguel the First ; and 
finish it by begging him to liberate you, that you 
may go home to your family at Leiria. I will 
present this petition in an audience he is to give 
us before we embark. I have kissed his hand. 
Oh ! if you were to see him, he is so good-na- 
tured. I will say to him, when I give it him, 'here, 
your Majesty, I expect you will set Sr. Guilheome 
(Mr. William) at liberty and I am sure he will, 
because I am certain he will say, ' Do you know 
this man V I shall answer, 6 Yes, please your 
Majesty, I have served him in prison, and I know 
he is a friend of yours ;' that will be enough. 
Come, frame the petition immediately." 

I was somewhat at a loss what answer to return 
to this amiable man ; I told him I had no stamped 
paper, for all legal and judicial business is exe- 
cuted upon stamped paper. He seemed much dis- 
appointed, and said he would come for it the next 
day — I told him I would have it ready for him, 
and we parted. 

He did come on the following day, according to 
his promise; but as it was impossible I could use 



133 

expressions of attachment to Don Miguel, such as 
he had dictated, without compromising my own 
feelings and character, I took care to be up stairs 
with the officers at the time I expected him. He 
waited some time for me, and at length left the 
prison quite disconsolate, without communicating 
to any one the nature of his business. 

I have no doubt, had I framed a petition to Don 
Miguel, such as Silva wished, I should have been 
liberated ; but although I scorned the suggestion, 
I was not insensible to the kindness which dic- 
tated it, and felt equally obliged to my friend Silva, 
of whose character and kindness in this transac- 
tion I will leave the reader to judge; and I 
will add my own conviction, that were the Portu- 
guese blessed with a good government, there 
would no where be found a better disposed 
people. 



134 



CHAPTER XVIII. 

DFPARTURE OF THE ENGLISH SQUADRON FROM THE TAGUS ; 
ITS EFFECTS IN CONSOLIDATING THE USURPATION OF 
DON MIGUEL. 

When the English squadron sailed from the 
Tagus, it created a greater sensation amongst the 
prisoners than any other event which had oc- 
curred while I remained in Portugal. 

Don Miguel's party took care to circulate the 
report, that in consequence of an application from 
him, complaining to the British government that 
the Constitutionalists were received and encou- 
raged on board the English men of war, they had 
withdrawn them. This statement was by most 
people believed, and from that time forward every 
gun that was fired in the Tagus was expected by 
the prisoners to be a feu-de-joie for the recognition 
of Don Miguel by the British government. They 
then expected an ambassador from England. 

The Count Jerumanha died about this time ; 



135 

and after he was dead, the countess was heard 
to say to a friend of hers — " What will they say, 
if things go on as we expect ? I am single, and 
the ambassador is single. I do not forget what 
the Constitutionalists called me, when my che- 
valier was in the Tagus in 1820, and had just ar- 
rived from America. They would not then allow 
him to land; had he done so, he would certainly 
have been assassinated ; but now when he comes, 
the castle guns shall fire, and the king's carriage 
be in waiting to receive him in the Black Horse- 
square ; the bells will ring Rei Chegou (the King's 
arrival), and there shall be festivals throughout the 
country to Saint Antonio. My dear Antonio shall 
no longer be a cadet, but a colonel. The Free- 
masons shall know I have not forgotten them : 
some of them, no doubt will come to kiss my 
hand, but they will find it cold." 

When Don Miguel arrived in Lisbon, the go- 
vernment offered a premium for a hymn to be 
composed on that occasion, and if approved, to 
be called ' < The National Hymn." Many attempts, 
of course* were made. But such is the character 
of this man and his cause, so vile, so cruel, so 
inconsistent and disgraceful, so contrary and 



136 

opposed to all good feeling, or to any human 
feelings but his own, and those of the execrable set 
who surround him, that neither Music nor Poetry, 
those chaste twin-sisters, would condescend to 
assist in the operation, disdaining, as it were, to 
pollute their genius with a subject so much be- 
neath its exercise. 

However bad a cause may be, something can 
generally be said in its favour. A song may be 
composed to shew at least some bright spots on 
the darkest surface ; and good music might be 
found for such a song. But this is only when it 
is a bad cause. But this wretch, in the form of a 
man, wants a name : there is no vocabulary in any 
known language that will supply one. 

As I have said, several songs were attempted; 
all his partizans were at work ; at length, one 
issued, evidently from the rabble, which was 
considered as entitled to the preference; it is 
entitled " Rei Chegou ;" and the fortunate author 
received fifteen pounds sterling for his production. 
This composition is played by all the regimental 
bands, bellowed by the mob, and whenever the 
king passes a church, it is rung, as a tune, upon the 
bells. A literal translation of a few verses of this 



137 



song will not be uninteresting to the reader, at 
the same time that it will justify the remarks I 
have made upon it. 

RE I CHEGOU. 
Rei chegou, rei chegou 
Em belem disembarco 
Na barraca nao entrou 
E aos Malhado's nao falou. 

Vanha ca Senhor Malhado 
Sentese neste bispote, 
De vivas a Don Miguel, 
Se nao leva com este chicote. 

Rei chegou, &c. 

Vanha ca Senor Malhado, 
Metta a mao nesta condeea, 
De vivas a Don Miguel, 
Se nao quebro lhe a cabeca. 

Rei chegou, &c. 

Os sold ados da policia, 
Sao tao finos como papel, 
Sao capases de morere, 
Para defender Don Miguel. 

Rei chegou, &c. 

Os Inglezes sao ladrones, 
Sao finos de cabeca, 
Trazem pinos de sapateiro, 
E rolhas de cortica. 

Rei chegou, &c. 

Quern quer compra Malhados, 
Va a rua dos capelistas, 
Sao trez vintems a duzia 
Para servir os realistas. 

Rei chegou, &c* 



138 



TRANSLATION. 

Come here Mr. Pyebald, (Malhado) 

Sit on the pot-de-chambre, 

Say viva Don Miguel, 

Or with this I'll whip you well. 

The king's arrived, the king's arrived, 

He landed at Beleon, 

Did not enter the tent, 

And did not speak to the spotted ones. 

Come here, Mr. Pyebald, 
Put your hand in this basket, 
Say viva Don Miguel, 
Or I will break your head. 

The king's arrived, &c. 

The soldiers of police 
Are as fine as paper, 
They are capable of dying 
To defend Don Miguel. 

The king's arrived, &c. 

The English are thieves, 
They are very deep headed ; 
They bring us cobbler's pegs, 
And corks for our bottles. 

The king's arrived, &c. 

Those who wish to buy pyebalds, 
Come to the Haberdasher's Street, 
They are three ventimes a dozen, 
To wait upon the Royalists. 

The king's arrived, &c. 



139 



This choice specimen of loyalty is constantly 
sung in the streets of Lisbon, and no doubt in the 
palace also. There are others of the kind, of 
which the young Queen Donna Maria is the sub- 
ject. Some of these will not admit of translation, 
on account of their indecency ; but I insert a verse 
of the original, to shew the feeling of Don Miguel 
and his party towards his niece. 

Donna Maria da Gloria, 
Vem ca herdar a coroa 
E vem a cer Rainha, 
Na rua da madrugoa. 

Rei chegou, &c. 

Donna Maria de Gloria 
Is coming as heiress to the crown ; 
She is come to be a queen, 
But it must be in Bull Bay.* 

The king's arrived, &c. 

The word malhado, used by the Miguelite party 
to signify Constitutionalists, originated in the fol- 
lowing circumstance. Soon after Don Miguel 
arrived, he was driving in an open chaise up the 
hill called Calcada de Ajuda, with pyebald 
horses ; they refused the collar ; he became vio- 
lently enraged, and beating the horses severely, 

* A street so called by the English sailors who know Lisbon, it 
being the resort of the worst female characters. 



140 



cried, " Malhados dos diabos /" — (You spotted 
devils !) — " I will make you go ; you are like the 
Constitutionalists." 

The mob caught the word, and in eight days 
it was all over Portugal. Henceforward all Con- 
stitutionalists were called malhados. 

Just before I was imprisoned, Don Miguel 
honoured a bull fight with his august presence at 
Villa-Franca ; at the close of the exhibition, two 
spotted bulls were killed, amidst shouts of, " Death 
to all malhados /" His Majesty was highly de- 
lighted with the compliment and the idea. 



141 



CHAPTER XIX. 

PROTECTION OF MURDERERS BY THE CORRUPTION OF MAGIS- 
TRATES : AND CRUELTIES PRACTISED ON INNOCENT MEN. 

To return to my account of the castle, I shall 
give a description of Joao dos Reis, and the 
treatment he receives, and contrast it with the 
treatment of the purser of the Don John the 6th, 
when that ship arrived from the Brazils, in July- 
last. 

Joao de Reis was a soldier, who had deserted 
more than once. He had been several times im- 
prisoned, and has broken out of prison two or 
three times. This monster, however, has not been 
at large for the last six or seven years, for he has 
been accused of a vast number of murders, and 
even confesses to fourteen. I myself heard him 
say, " When I have killed six more, I shall give 
two to the priests ;" thereby meaning, he should 



142 

kill two priests, as tithe for the twenty. About 
four years ago, this fellow was in the prison called 
Limeriro, in Lisbon, for a long time, under sen- 
tence of death ; he was the juis of the enchovia 
of that prison. 

When a man is ordered for execution in Por- 
tugal, Friday is always the day appointed for the 
ceremony. On the Tuesday previous, he is placed 
in a small chapel, called the Oratorio, and re- 
mains there for three days, during which period 
he obtains every thing he asks for to eat and 
drink ; and on the Friday he is marched, under 
escort, to the place of execution. 

About four years ago, the order came to the 
jailer for Joao dos Reis to be put into the Ora- 
torio for execution ; when this was mentioned to 
him, he went up to a man who was sitting in the 
prison with a child in his arms, whose name was 
Ferro, (Iron) and said to him, ¥ Your name is Iron : 
I wish to know if steel will enter iron ;" and in- 
stantly stabbed him. The man fell; and this 
human monster repeated several stabs after he 
was on the ground, so as speedily to deprive him 
of life ; he then sat down on the body and made 
himself a segar. The whole of the prisoners, 
though themselves mostly of desperate character, 



143 

were actually afraid of seizing him, and he was 
afterwards removed to another prison, to take a 
fresh trial for his last offence. 

This murderer was then sent to the castle, and 
placed in a strong dungeon, where he at present 
remains : this dungeon was the next apartment 
to that in which I was confined, and I often con- 
versed with him through the grating. Since his 
imprisonment he has learned to make shoes ; he 
makes slippers chiefly, and sends them out for 
sale. He is not allowed to come out of his cell, but 
the wooden door is always left open; and his wife 
who sells the slippers he makes about Lisbon, 
and brings leather to him, has free admittance for 
that purpose whenever she knocks. Another 
woman also is allowed access to him, and the 
wife and this latter are often in his dungeon at 
the same time, where they are allowed to remain 
as long as they think proper. 

This atrocious villain lives well, and on Sundays 
and Saints' days, is extravagantly cheerful : he 
plays well on the guitar, dances with the casta- 
nets, and possesses a very fine bass voice. When- 
ever he knocks, if some of the guards do not 
attend him, he vents his anger upon them, and 



144 



scolds them, after which they are exceedingly 
civil to him. 

The following conversation with this desperate 
ruffian, affords a much better proof than any 
statement of my own, of the disgraceful way in 
which justice is administered in Portugal, au in- 
famous system which is perfectly well known and 
connived at by nearly all the judicial authorities 
throughout the kingdom. 

He told me one day, " he thought when he got 
his liberty, he should never commit any more 
murders ; at least, if they would let him alone, 
for his temper would not suffer the least contra- 
diction." I asked him, if he expected to be 
liberated ? He said, " he w T as saving money for 
that purpose, and he was sure his process would lie 
quiet for the present, if he kept the escrivao in good 
humour ; but, if they did order him for execution, 
he would kill another, and that would cause a new 
trial, and then he should live two or three years 
longer; but he hoped there would be a row in 
Lisbon," meaning a political disturbance, (( when 
it was not that iron gate that would hold him 
there." 

This conversation was carried on between us 
from the back window of each cell, and without 



145 

seeing each other, and generally took place 
early in the morning, as he was in the habit of 
waking me with the noise of beating the leather. 
I could seldom see him, because the door of the 
corridor was generally kept shut, except when 
his wives or any one wished to speak to him ; 
but the outer wall, being immediately in front of 
the windows, the sound of the voice was reflected 
from it, and we could hear not only from the next 
cell, but from any of the eight, and that without 
speaking loud. 

It is strictly ordered that no speaking be al- 
lowed from these windows ; and there is a signal 
(known only among the prisoners) which when they 
find a guard or sweeper, or any of the authorities 
within hearing, is instantly made use of, and all 
is silent. 

Joao dos Reis, is about six feet high and well 
proportioned, he has dark hair, immense whiskers, 
and his countenance altogether might well pass 
for that of a murderer. The facts I have stated 
concerning him are well known in Lisbon, and to 
all the prisoners in the castle. 

To give the reader another instance of Don 
Miguel's notions of justice, nine students (whom 

L 



146 



I certainly do not mean to justify, or plead for) 
were executed for two murders they had com- 
mitted, within four months of their perpetrating 
the horrid crime ; while this Joao dos Reis was 
living for years after the enormities he had so 
many times been convicted of, and absolutely 
adding to the catalogue of his inhuman crimes, for 
the express and avowed purpose of deferring their 
punishment. It is also remarkable, that this 
ruffian was better treated than several general 
officers under the same roof, whose only offences 
were performing what they were fully authorised 
in considering as their duty. So much for the 
justice and equity of that pious and excellent 
prince Don Miguel ! 

When the 74 gun-ship, Don John the 6th, 
arrived from the Brazils, and was first seen off the 
bar, it is said, an English brig-of-war was sent 
out to persuade her captain not to come into port ; 
it is also said, that the captain determined to 
follow this advice, but the next morning it came 
on very foggy, and when the fog cleared off, the 
ship was nearly on the bar, and could not with 
safety put back to sea : they consequently came 
into the Tagus, when several of the officers were 



147 

immediately arrested, the men drafted to other 
ships, and the Don John placed out of com- 
mission. 

Soon after, however, she was again fitted out 
for the expedition to Madeira. On the evening 
of her arrival, as her purser was walking along 
the streets of Lisbon, at 1 1 o'clock at night, and 
going to take a boat to carry him on board, he 
was suddenly arrested, and brought to the castle 
about midnight. He was placed amongst the 
other officers, being at the time dressed in full 
uniform. 

When this officer was taken, he naturally in- 
quired what he had done to deserve confinement ; 
but they made him no answer. When he arrived 
at the castle, he repeated the question : he was 
told to be quiet j but he became enraged with 
the secretary and the guards, and said (e he would 
know what crime he had committed and they 
told him " None !" He then said, " he would not 
be confined," and continued talking with the 
utmost rage and anger. In consequence of this 
violence, they took him from amongst the officers, 
and put him in a dungeon by himself ; and, when 
the morning came, he was carried before the secre- 
tary and reprimanded. 

L 2 



148 

He still insisted upon knowing what he was con- 
fined for, but could get no further answer from the 
attendants. He was then sent back immediately 
to the dungeon, and, as he passed my cell, he said 
to me in good English, (t You are an Englishman, 
you will soon be out, but I know they will kill 
me, because I am Don Pedro's friend." 

The corridor was locked, and I saw no more of 
him, but he had not been long shut up, when he 
began to knock and call for justice. He sung the 
Constitutional Hymn, then called aloud, M Justice ! 
Don Pedro, justice !" The officers of the prison took 
no notice of the noise for a long time ; at length 
he became so violent, that some of the guards 
went to him and threatened to put him in irons : 
but the poor fellow had lost his reason, and only 
talked of justice, and Don Pedro. 

They had taken his coat from him when they 
first put him in the dungeon ; they now found he 
had torn off the rest of his clothes : they then 
shut the window and left him in darkness ; but 
that was so far from rendering him more peace- 
able, that he became quite frantic, and none of the 
prisoners could sleep, in consequence, during the 
whole of the night ; his voice, instead of becom- 
ing weaker, grew stronger, but we could not un- 



149 

derstand what he said ; indeed, it was scarcely- 
like a human voice. 

The poor creature thus continued singing and 
hallooing the whole of the next day ; but towards 
evening, he attempted to break the iron door of 
his dungeon, and in a few hours actually de- 
stroyed the lock. My neighbour, Joao dos Reis, 
called out to me to speak to the guards, saying, 
" The madman has broken open the iron door." 

I hesitated to interfere at first, apprehending 
the poor man would be still worse dealt with ; but 
upon second thoughts, for fear of worse conse- 
quences to him, I intimated his situation to the 
guards, saying he was deprived of his senses, and 
knew not what he did, thereby appealing, as it 
were, to their humanity, hopeless, notwithstanding, 
as to the efficacy of my appeal. 

The guards and sweepers, worthy servants of 
the ferocious Miguel, came with broom-sticks 
and ropes, and began to beat him violently ; they 
then put irons on him. I did not see him myself, 
but they told me he was quite naked, and had 
scratched holes in the wall with his hands ; he 
refused to eat any thing, but asked for a segar, 
which the secretary allowed him. While he 
smoked, they remained with him, and then left 



150 

him, naked as he was, with heavy irons on his 
legs, and shut the wooden door on him ; he had 
broken to pieces all the vessels allowed in the 
dungeon, so that he had not even water in the 
place : as soon as they were gone, he began 
again, and made a dreadful noise with his iron 
on the floor, singing at the same time, and often 
calling on " Don Pedro and justice!" 

It was late in the evening when they left him, 
and he did not rest one minute the whole night, 
but continued making the most dreadful noises, 
so that no one could sleep. Every person felt for 
the unfortunate man. In the morning I went to 
the secretary, and intreated him to apply to some 
authority, and get him sent to the lunatic asy- 
lum : I told him he was destroying himself. The 
secretary replied, " he was sorry for it, but could 
not help it. I have written," said he, " to the 
general, and to the intendant, and also to the 
mad hospital, yesterday, and I will send again." 

The poor maniac continued raving ; he ate very 
little, and scarcely slept whilst he was in the 
castle. The third night he became worse, and 
to keep him quiet, several of the prisoners volun- 
teered to remain with him, and, if necessary, to 
hold him. This act of humanity was only allowed 



151 

as a matter of favour to the prison in general, that 
they might themselves get some rest. 

Five or six of the prisoners stopped with him, 
accordingly, till the morning, making him sit down 
in a corner, and talking with him. As soon as 
they left him, he again became violent till about 
four in the afternoon, when a guard of police 
arrived to carry him to the madhouse. 

When they went to take him out, I was 
present. On opening the door of his dungeon, 
he was standing on his feet, leaning with his back 
against the wall, entirely naked, having nothing 
on his person, with the exception of the irons on 
his legs, which consisted of two shackles on his 
ancles, and a large bolt, about eighteen inches 
long, through them, at the back of the leg ; but I 
believe when they are put on, they give the pri- 
soner the choice of having this bolt before or 
behind the leg. The irons altogether weighed 
from thirty-five to forty pounds, and his legs 
were sadly cut with them. With his fingers he had 
made holes in the wall large enough to put his 
head into ; he was covered with blood, filth, and 
lime, and had not the appearance of a human 
being. 

Here, then, were presented, in horrific colours, 



152 

the blessed effects of what is termed legitimate 
government. A man, in the prime of life (about 
forty), torn from his family and society, without 
any crime even charged against him, cruelly in- 
carcerated, and driven to a degree of despair 
which terminated in raging madness. 

When the door of this poor man's cell was 
opened, he was perfectly quiet ; they had brought 
sticks to frighten him, but they did not strike him. 
He stood looking most wildly around him whilst 
they were knocking off his irons. The miserable 
man then looked at his fingers ; the nails were all 
torn off in excavating the wall ; and then he cast 
his eyes to his feet, and said, with the bitterest 
emotion, " See what you have done!" The 
sweeper of the prison held up the stick, and 
ordered him to be quiet. I also told him, in the 
English language, to be quiet, for it would be 
better for him. But he ferociously replied, 
" D — n you and them too — Don Pedro for ever !" 
and immediately began to sing the Constitutional 
Hymn. 

They next put a pair of trowsers on him, and 
washed him all over with a broom, and afterwards 
dressed him in some clothes that were brought to 
him by a woman, who was in great affliction about 



153 

him ; but she refused to give any answer as to the 
manner in which she was connected with or related 
to him. They at last put his own military coat on 
him, which had been taken away on his arrival, and 
then placed him in the escort that came from the 
madhouse. A man, who appeared to be his keeper, 
wished to take his arm ; but he said he would go 
alone. The unfortunate man then went in the 
middle of the escort, and the woman, who was 
very respectable, followed in tears. I never could 
learn what became of him. 



CHAPTER XX, 

IMPRISONMENT PRODUCING MADNESS ; GROUNDLESS CHARGES 
FOR IMPRISONMENT; TRANSPORTATION OF STATE PRI- 
SONERS WITHOUT TRIAL. 

This Brazilian officer was not the only person 
taken to the madhouse while I was in the castle, 
but the other cases were those of settled melan- 
choly, and required no chastisement. 

It was truly dreadful to witness the despair of 
some of these unfortunate victims of despotism. 
They would often be found sitting and lying in 
the dark passages of the prison, moaning and 
groaning ; and when asked the reason, some 
would say, " My father is dead of grief another, 
" My poor wife is dead ;" a third, " My property 
is all confiscated, and I have nothing left ; my 
family are begging in the streets ; for myself, my 
only hope of subsistence is the caridade." 



155 



When I left the castle there were numbers in 
this melancholy condition— persons of property 
to-day, and to-morrow not worth a farthing in 
the world. What is worse, if possible, the very 
friends of these unfortunate people do not dare to 
assist them ; they are deterred by a well-grounded 
fear of sharing their fate. 

The despotism is so atrocious under this mon- 
ster, that it does not require that there should be 
anything like regular information against a person, 
in order to convey him to a prison ; any black- 
guard in the street is at liberty to seize hold on 
whom he pleases, and conduct him to prison. I 
was an eye-witness of many instances of this kind. 
I have seen several brought to the castle by the 
common vagabonds of the streets in Lisbon, who 
had no authority or warrant whatever for their 
proceeding, but whose zeal in the usurper's cause 
must have been taken for granted by the munici- 
pal authorities and jailers. 

I have seen these fellows take hold of a man, 
saying, " I seize you as a prisoner, in the name 
of the king," the intendant of the police, or the 
general of the province, or whoever else they 
may think proper to name. The prisoners, in such 



156 



a case, well know that if they offer any resistance 
they incur the risk of being murdered. 

When they arrive at the prison the secretary 
asks their name, profession, &c, and ultimately 
applies to those who bring in the prisoner, to say 
by whose order he is brought, to which those 
agents of iniquity reply as before, in the name of 
the king, the intendant, &c. 

Amongst a vast number of captives of this kind, 
I shall mention a man, and only mention him, 
because he got out again, a thing which seldom 
happens : although many thousands who now 
crowd the prisons of Portugal, owe their captivity 
to no higher offence than the hatred of some va- 
gabond. 

A cadet of cacadores was brought to prison on 
a Sunday afternoon, by a very ragged fellow, and 
whilst the secretary was taking down his name, 
he declared that he could substantiate plenty of 
proofs against the cadet to hang him. The secre- 
tary, as usual, inquired under whose authority he 
was sent to the prison ? The vagabond replied, 
after a pause of consideration, "The king," which 
was accordingly entered in the book. 

The young man then came into the Salla Livre, 



157 

and told his own story— " I was walking," said he, 
" on the public promenade in Lisbon, when this 
ragged fellow came up to me, and accosted me 
thus, c Oh ! Senor Malhado, you are still out in 
the street : come along with me,' and so saying, 
immediately collared me. I well knew if I re- 
sisted that I should be ill treated, and therefore 
told him I would go with him. He met another 
fellow of his acquaintance at the moment, and said 
to him, * Come and help me to take this Freemason 
to the castle/ On our arrival near the castle door, 
the second fellow said, ' I will not go in, but I 
will wait for you here/ I cannot tell," continued 
the cadet, " what they can say against me, for I 
have committed no action whatever which can be 
construed as inimical to Don Miguel." 

The following day the young prisoner sent to 
his friends, and they went to the colonel of his 
regiment, and to the general of the province. No 
crime could be charged against him, nor even a 
suspicion of his being an enemy to Don Miguel ; 
a court of investigation was immediately formed, 
and the court found him perfectly innocent, and 
ordered him to be acquitted. The proceedings 
were, however, to be sent to the general of the 
province, and all this was done as quick as pos- 



158 

sible : still it was not until the fourteenth day that 
an order came from the general to set him at 
liberty. 

On this occasion one of the guards came in, and 
said to the cadet, " Get ready to go out, you are at 
liberty." He was of course soon ready, embraced 
his fellow prisoners, and bade them farewell ; but 
when he came to the secretary to have the order 
for his liberation inserted in the book, a difficulty 
occurred: his liberation was obtained from the ge- 
neral, while he had been confined by order of the 
king, and he was sent back again into the prison. 

The next day he presented a petition to the king, 
explaining the whole circumstances of his case, 
with the investigation that had taken place into his 
conduct, and the consequent order of the general 
of the province j the king referred him to the in- 
tendant, and he said he must investigate the case. 
This second investigation lasted Jive tveeks, at the 
end of which time, through the great interest the 
young man possessed, he was at length liberated. 

The same thing, as nearly as possible, happened 
to the master of the band belonging to the 13th 
regiment : he was confined by mistake for the mas- 
ter of another band. When in the act of having his 
name set down in the book as being set at liberty, 



159 

he was told to go back to the Salla Livre, where 
he remained nearly three weeks longer, because 
the order of liberation came from the intendant of 
police, and the man who brought him said it was 
in the name of the king. 

There were in Portugal, when I left it, thou- 
sands of persons in prison, of whom no one but 
the secretary, in large towns, and the jailer in 
small ones, know any thing, although every 
one is presumed to be imprisoned by order of the 
king, the intendant of police, or the general of the 
province. 

Not long after Don Miguel's arrival, a convict 
ship was got ready to sail for the coast of Africa, 
and many unfortunate victims were sent away in 
her. Of five who were ordered for banishment, 
I shall make some mention — but of these, three 
only were shipped off. 

A Captain Burbuda, whom I formerly knew 
when belonging to the 22d regiment, at Leiria, 
was spending the evening with some friends, when 
they were all surprised and sent to prison, with- 
out any examination before a judge. They were 
next put on board a ship, which sailed for Africa, 
without having an opportunity allowed them to see 



160 

their friends, or to obtain the slightest succour or 
assistance from them. 

Each of the captives sent a boot on shore as a 
pattern for a new pair to take with them on their 
voyage ; but such was the hurry to get rid of them, 
that the ship was ordered away before this order 
for the boots could be executed, and the misera- 
ble men departed with one boot only. 

At the period when these unfortunate gentle- 
men sailed, no one knew the offence they had com- 
mitted ; but it soon after appeared that they were 
accused of the heinous crime of having met in the 
evening, and of having caught two rats, and tried 
them by a court-martial — one as the Queen, and 
the other as Don Miguel. They found the rats 
guilty, and afterwards cut their heads off. 

This frolic was said to be their only crime ; but 
whether true or not is uncertain. The accusation 
was probably a forgery by some villanous priests 
in the interest of Miguel. 

Two other state prisoners were to have sailed in 
the same vessel, but they did not arrive in Lisbon 
till she was under weigh ; they were even forced 
into a boat at the arsenal, and the ship was followed 
down the Tagus, but a strong breeze sprung up, 



161 

and the boat could not near her. These unfor- 
tunate men were then taken to the castle as state 
prisoners, where they remained when I quitted 
Lisbon, entirely ignorant of the charge made 
against them. 

I must here beg leave to state, that Major 
Oliveira, who belonged to the 16th regiment, and 
was the first man who headed that regiment in 
1 820, when they declared for the constitution, and 
was then considered by all parties a strong Con- 
stitutionalist, was, in reality, a traitor to the cause 
he affected to espouse. 

When the constitution was overthrown, he was 
the first to rejoice at its downfall; doubtless with 
the view to preserve his situation and pay. 

On the 30th of April, 1828, this major, in the 
Constitutional Portuguese army , publicly offered his 
services to Don Miguel, as hangman ! for the bene- 
fit of exalting those who were sent to prison at 
Peniche. 

When Don Pedro's constitution of 1826 arrived 
in Portugal, this worthy officer, who ought to have 
been immediately hanged, was of course dis- 
missed ; and, as may naturally be expected, upon 
Don Miguel's arrival he was again reinstated. 

This wretch next undertook the office of spy 

M 



162 

for the old Queen, and soon after joined the 16th 
regiment as major. He said one evening, in the 
public street, that " he knew he was called a spy, 
and felt great honour in being a spy for the Queen., 
and would do his duty." 

This wasabout the time when a book was opened 
for signatures, and the mob, who were daily em- 
ployed at the Senate -house, were selected and 
paid by this major, according to their circum- 
stances, and his appreciation of their peculiar 
merits. They depended more on their dress than 
on any thing else, and those who appeared the most 
respectable, got the most money. 

Near the Senate-house, in one of the principal 
streets, and just at the entrance of it, there was a 
picture shop, and a portrait of Count Sampaio 
hung in the window. The gallant major had just 
finished shouting with the mob, when, passing by 
this shop, he dismounted, drew his sword, and ran 
it through the pane of glass, as well as the picture 
of Count Sampaio, in the presence of many per- 
sons. I saw the broken pane the day after it 
occurred — there was nothing in the window then, 
and the shopkeeper was obliged to be as silent 
as possible. 

This major in the Royalist's corps, was selected 



163 

for the capture of Sir John Milley Doyle, and is 
supposed to have had a hand in putting laudanum 
in the wine which his friends partook of; but Sir 
John declining to take any wine, though offered 
to him, the poison took effect partially on his com- 
panions. This, no doubt, prevented their atrocious 
plan from being carried into effect. 

Some time after the return of Don Miguel, an 
order was issued by the intendant of police, " that 
no person should be taken to prison, without an 
order from some authority." This was posted up 
at all corners of the city, but no directions were 
sent to the secretaries or jailers of the prisons ; and, 
to my certain knowledge, no less than seven per- 
sons were brought into the same prison I was my- 
self confined in, within a week after the order was 
made public, notwithstanding it was placarded on 
all the walls of the city, and inserted in the Lisbon 
Gazette. What then could be intended, but a 
mockery of the evil they pretended to remedy, 
and a new effort of the government to add insult 
to injury? 

A curious circumstance occurred a little time be- 
fore I left the castle. There was a gentleman, whose 
father had been ill, and was not yet able to leave 
his room, and his son and some friends were in the 

M 2 



164 

habit of spending the evening with him, and play- 
ing a game at cards to amuse him. Their number 
was generally about five, and their only object 
was to amuse the sick prisoner. One evening a 
young man, a lieutenant in the navy, and another 
friend or two, accidentally joined the party, and 
remained with it until about twelve o'clock, at 
which hour the house was surrounded by the 
police. They ordered the door to be opened in 
the king's name ; the serjeantand others immedi- 
ately rushed up stairs, sword in hand, and ordered 
the gentlemen of the party to descend singly. 
When he had compelled five to descend the stairs, 
he found there were four left in the room, including 
the sick man : those who had gone down were 
ordered to march to the castle ; but the corporal 
said, " Here are four more yet," to which the 
serjeant answered, " Never mind, I only want 
five, that is enough." 

The lieutenant of the navy told me these cir- 
cumstances the next morning after their occur- 
rence,, and said it was the first time he had been 
at the party and he was the first person ordered 
down stairs. I asked him if he could in any way 
account for such an extraordinary imprisonment ; 
he said, " his idea was, that some person had in- 



165 

formed against five persons, and the Serjeant's 
orders were only to take that number ; and he not 
being a man tyrannically inclined, was contented 
not to exceed his instructions, but took the first 
five he met with : the corporal would have seized 
all who were present." How, or from what quar- 
ter the affair originated, none of them could pos- 
sibly conceive. 



166 



CHAPTER XXL 

SASE TREACHERY OF DON MIGUEL TO THE GARRISON OF 
ALMEIDA, 

Another instance of Don Miguel's treachery 
occurred in the case of the unfortunate garrison of 
Almeida. He issued a proclamation, that all offi- 
cers and soldiers of that garrison, returning to 
their duty and obedience to his orders, should be 
kindly received and pardoned. They held out 
some time for Don Pedro ; but, through the influ- 
ence of the priests and friars, the men became 
divided in opinion. They had received no news 
of the actual state of affairs, except that England 
had recognized the blockade of Oporto. 

As a proof how much the proceedings of the 
English cabinet influenced the conduct of the vil- 
lanous faction who had usurped regal authority in 



167 

Portugal, the Lisbon Gazette had the following 
comment on these proceedings: — " What would 
the enemies of Don Miguel say now? would they 
believe it true that the British ambassador had 
left the country ? was it not always customary, 
when a new system of government was esta- 
blished, and ambassadors had to fetch new cre- 
dentials, as would soon be seen in this case?" 
&c. &c. 

This news from England caused a great sensa- 
tion among the garrison— they called a council of 
war, and determined on giving themselves up on 
the terms of Don Miguel's proclamation. They 
did so, and he made prisoners of every man. 
The field-officers he sent to the fortress of 
Peniche, and forty-one of the captains and sub- 
alterns were marched down to Lisbon. They 
arrived at the castle one morning about two 
o'clock. 

The prisoners already in the gaol were taken 
out of the Saletta, and removed into the Salla 
Livre, where they became so crowded that it was 
scarcely possible to lie down. The officers were 
placed in the Saletta, and no one allowed to speak 
to them ; their wives and families had followed 
their melancholy march, and were waiting out- 



168 

side the gaol, but none of them were allowed to 
enter it. 

Next morning they were told they were no 
longer soldiers ; they were dismissed the service, 
and were asked if they would accept the cari- 
dade. 

Many of these unfortunate people were at a 
great distance from their homes, without assist- 
ance from their friends, or pay from that govern- 
ment which had but a few days before offered 
them a free pardon. They remained about twelve 
days in this miserable situation, and then an 
order came to liberate them. 

The manner of their liberation was as follows. 
One night a magistrate came with his clerk, when 
these unfortunate men were called down two or 
three at a time, just as their passports were made 
out ; some sent to one place, and some to ano- 
ther, in parties of two or three to each place. 
In some instances one would be sent off alone. 
They had all written orders to set off immediately 
to the different parts their passports indicated, 
and to shew themselves every day to the magis- 
trate of the place to which they were ordered. 
Many of these unfortunate gentlemen had but 
small means of travelling, after having been 



169 

marched from one extremity of the kingdom 
to another, and remaining twelve days shut up 
without an opportunity of seeing their friends. 
Such was Don Miguel's treatment of a set of 
brave men, to whom he had offered a free pardon 
by proclamation ! Such was the atrocious trea- 
chery of a man, who had a short time previously 
solemnly sworn to maintain the constitution, 
before the representatives of the nation ! 

It is of little consequence to the unfortunate 
victims of this monster's cruelty, by whom the 
orders are issued. Whatever is done in his name, 
if not ordered by him, is sanctioned by him. 
The treatment inflicted on the unfortunate prison- 
ers, may not be exactly ordered by him, but it is 
approved of by him ; and his satellites, his ser- 
vile and sanguinary officers, know too well how 
to please and gratify their blood-thirsty and 
brutal master. 

Not long before I left Lisbon, a poor woman, 
who is married to a Spaniard, went to present a 
petition to Miguel, stating that her husband had 
committed no crime, and entreating for his libe- 
ration. He told her " When the time came, her 
husband would be set at liberty," The poor 



170 

woman left her petition, but no further notice was 
taken of it. 

Hundreds of petitions of this kind were given 
in at his audience every Thursday, but very few 
of them were ever looked at. When once a man or 
woman got into prison, no matter by what autho- 
rity, all that the government appeared to desire was, 
to make them as miserable as possible, and to 
annoy them day and night. 

They had spies in all parts of the prison ; not 
a word could be said but the intendant knew it 
in half an hour afterwards. They would often 
search all the prisons in the middle of the night, 
pretending to look for arms or secret correspon- 
dence. Whether they found any thing or not, 
some punishment was always inflicted, and the 
greater part of it generally fell upon the officers. 
They being up stairs, it was easier to prevent 
communication with them ; not even a child 
of seven years old was allowed to go in to 
see its father. Every letter which arrived at the 
gaol, from whom or whence it came, was read 
two or three times over, before it reached the 
person to whom it was addressed. When the 
prisoners' linen was brought in, it was unfolded, 
and every thing was searched. 



171 

At the period when I left the gaol the officers 
had been nearly two months in this state ; in the 
lower part of the gaol this strictness was not 
always practised, but it was adopted occasionally 
for three or four days at a time. It was only after 
my trial was finished, that is, when the first sen- 
tence came out for my liberation, that I had any 
privilege ; until that time no one was allowed to 
come into my cell. When any one came to see me 
I was called into the secretary's office, and desired 
not to talk politics ; but as most of those friends 
who came to see me were English, the officers did 
not know what we talked about, and latterly they 
told me my friends might go into my cell. 

It cost me a great deal of money for living, 
though I lived but very indifferently. We had to 
send out for every thing we wanted, and those in 
the habit of going on our errands, were little 
ragged, vagabond boys, with the exception of one 
old man, called Quintino, who had been four and 
twenty years in the habit of attending upon the 
prisoners in the castle. 

All these boys made it a point to get as many 
orders as they could before they stirred to fetch 
any thing ; and when they did, instead of thinking 
of our necessities, would go to play with boys like 



172 

themselves, in the streets, and often, after having 
procured our food, help themselves to some of it 
with their dirty hands. 

I have in this way waited three hours for a loaf 
of bread ; there was no remedy but quietly to sub- 
mit to it. Though we paid the best price for our 
provisions,we usually got the worst articles : every 
thing seemed combined against the unfortunate 
prisoner; and it is a common proverb in Portugal, 
when a person has any thing to sell that is bad, 
" Go and sell it to the prisoners." 



173 



CHAPTER XXII. 

FEROCITY OF THE PRIESTS AND THEIR TOOL THE OLD QUEEN < 
AND REVENGEFUL CHARACTER OF MIGUEL. 

I could add much more to what I have already- 
said concerning the gaol in St. George's Castle, 
but I shall defer it to a future opportunity. I do 
not wish by this publication to injure any person 
now in confinement for state offences, my only 
object is to exhibit the tyranny of the priests and 
the usurper ; but it is impossible to shew the true 
character of this monster inone small volume. It 
will never be thoroughly known, unless (which God 
forbid), he should be recognized as king by other 
nations ; in that case this heartless wretch and his 
worthy old mother, will appear in their true co- 
lours, as human butchers. They have already had 
serious disputes, it is true ; but in a common cause 



174 

of proscription and murder, they would unite again 
immediately. 

Hundreds of persons, on mere suspicion, are un- 
der sentence, or ready to be sentenced to death. 
The priests and friars, almost to a man, wish for a 
gallows to be erected in every market-place 
throughout the kingdom ; they have victims 
enough ; they only want the sanction of other 
powers, and they would immediately commence 
their work of slaughter. 

The following anecdote will further illustrate the 
horrible tyranny exercised by the wretches under 
the authority and in the name of Miguel I. 

Joze Duarte, a soldier in the foot police of Lis- 
bon, when on guard one day, speaking with his 
comrades in the guard-room, a few days after Don 
Miguel had sworn to the constitution, his comrade 
said, (< Don Miguel was the right heir to the 
crown," Duarte replied, " No, Don Pedro is the 
right heir ; I have sworn to him and I will recog- 
nise no other ; Don Miguel is only regent." 

For this offence only, Duarte was the next day 
imprisoned in the castle, and subsequently tried 
and convicted ; I was present when the escrivao 
came to read his sentence to him ; he read the accu- 
sation first, which was, " For having denied the 



175 

legitimacy of Don Miguel, and also for being a 
Freemason and Republican, his sentence was to 
lose his natural life by being hanged." 

This brave man heard his sentence with great 
firmness, and asked the escrivao, " if that was 
all ?" The secretary replied, " Perhaps you may 
get off with transportation for life, and you are 
now out of his Majesty's service." He said, 
" Thank God I am no longer a soldier under such 
a government." He tore all the buttons and lace 
off his coat immediately, and threw them away. 

This was not the only case of the kind ; many 
others received the same sentence, and only escape 
execution until Miguel be recognized as lawful 
king. 

A man of the name of Maciel was tried, and 
received sentence, a few days after Joze Duarte, 
onlv because he had been in the service of General 
Saldanha. They tried all manner of expedients 
to extort from him secrets concerning his master, 
though it was quite improbable that a man of 
General Saldanha's high character, would have 
entrusted his servant with matters that could 
lead to any political discovery. 

It is scarcely possible for language to describe 
the degree of alarm, horror, and despair, which 



176 

this dreadful abuse of power produces among 
those of the Portuguese nation who have ever even 
been suspected of entertaining any attachment 
for the Constitutional Charter. Suspicion is at all 
times sufficient to immure any man in a dungeon, 
on the accusation of one of the vilest even of the 
rabble of Lisbon. How then could it excite our 
astonishment, that the late Constitutional troops 
should have been intimidated by a force of double 
their amount, and what was still worse, in danger 
of being betrayed and deserted by traitors in dis- 
guise in their own ranks. For that this was the fact 
I shall be able to shew subsequently beyond the 
possibility of refutation. 

The following fact, will exhibit the hatred of 
the old Queen towards every thing connected 
with the English nation, while they will at the 
same time shew her worthy son in a new character. 

The horse, called " Black Prince," which his 
Majesty King George the IVth. presented to 
Don Miguel, when he was in England, was poi- 
soned by the orders of the old Queen. After the 
horse died, the farriers cut him into pieces, and 
threw the carcass on the sands of the Tagus, to 
be devoured by the dogs, or carried away by the 
tide. 



177 

When Don Miguel was informed that the horse 
was dead, he went to the stables, but the carcass 
had been disposed of as I have stated. The ser- 
vants at the stables, told Miguel, the horse had 
died of the colic, and that they had opened him 
to ascertain the exact cause of his death , Miguel, 
however, disbelieved the story, and grew enraged, 
and would have killed the farrier, had he not fled 
from his presence. Miguel wished to have the 
horse stuffed, and put into his saddle-room ; but, 
that was of course now impossible. 

It soon, however, reached his ears how the 
horse actually came by his death, and this formed 
a fair excuse for quarrelling with his mother ; I 
say an excuse, because this affair was not the 
real ground of the misunderstanding. 

The old Queen had long been in the habit of 
watching her amiable son, for reasons well known 
to many persons, so that he found it difficult to 
carry into effect a plan which he had long contem- 
plated, but which is of a nature that cannot pos- 
sibly be detailed in these pages. 

Availing himself of this opportunity of charging 
her with destroying his horse, he abruptly parted 
with her, and went from the Palace de Ajuda to 
that of Necessaedades, where he now resides, 

N 



178 

taking with him his two sisters, whom he had 
long wished to have in his power. 

A very general opinion was entertained amongst 
the prisoners in St. George's Castle, that when 
Don Miguel was crowned, there would be a 
general amnesty ; and many people sent word to 
their friends in prison, that a general pardon was 
preparing, and all would be liberated. 

At this time, the affair seemed highly probable ; 
for had Miguel wished to make friends, he could 
not have adopted a better or wiser course. The 
confiscation of property had not yet commenced. 
The prisoners were naturally animated to the 
highest degree by the expectation that every day 
a general release might arrive. 

One morning the jailer said to the secretary, 
" To-morrow there will be a general pardon." 
This intelligence soon spread throughout the 
prison ; every person in the castle was elated with 
hope : each began to make his calculations and 
form his plans, and almost to fancy himself by 
his own fire side. 

The next day, a soldier in the Lisbon militia, 
(who had been formerly a prisoner in the Salla 
Livre, but had obtained his liberty,) the moment 
he saw in the Gazette of Lisbon, a general pardon 



179 

announced, ran to the castle, in hopes of being 
the first to communicate the joyful tidings to his 
old fellow prisoners. His haste had put him out 
of breath ; all he could say when he came in, was, 
" There is a general pardon, you will all be out 
to-day." 

I cannot attempt to describe the countenances 
of all who heard him. They one and all embraced 
each other, and the clamour of satisfaction was so 
tumultuous, we could scarcely hear each other 
speak. 

Several boys were sent off for the Gazette, 
which soon arrived, and one proposed to read it 
aloud : he began — all was silent as death — in- 
tense and scrutinizing attention was depicted in 
every countenance, When the article in the 
Gazette proceeded to state, " that Don Miguel, 
on ascending the throne, wished to shew his bene- 
volence, like his ancestors, and that he gave a free 
pardon to all prisoners in every part of the 
kingdom." 

The reader was interrupted by the acclamations 
which burst from all around him. It was in vain 
to attempt proceeding. Some, who had at first 
doubted the intelligence, were assailed by others, 
with " Did I not tell you this would be the case?" 

n 2 



180 

Another would say, " I was sure of it." The 
soldier, who had previously been rebuked for 
raising false reports, was now reinstated in the 
universal confidence. The prison rang with shouts 
of long life to Don Miguel, and all was joy and 
enthusiasm. 

The man who had been reading called aloud 
for silence, but for a long time called in vain ; it 
was not possible to quiet the tumult of exultation. 
Every voice was proposing a different project : 
some were for an illumination, some for another 
species of demonstration, but all determined in 
some manner or other to exhibit their grati- 
tude. 

At length the reader prevailed, and silence was 
obtained. He then stated, the general pardon 
was accompanied by the following exceptions : — 
" those who had been guilty of theft, to the value 
of a mark of silver, and all accused of high treason 
or non- allegiance." 

Had Hogarth or Haydon been present, to have 
recorded, on canvas, the chap-fallen features, the 
dismay, the despair and disappointment of those, 
who, but a moment before, had been convulsed 
by the most extravagant joy, it would have gone 
down to posterity as a monument of the direful 



181 

effects of despotism, and would have drawn the 
sympathetic tear from succeeding generations. 
Not a single individual left the castle by virtue 
of this celebrated proclamation. So much for 
the pretended benevolence of the hypocrite 
Miguel I. 



183 



CHAPTER XXIII. 

FESTIVAL OF ST. PETER I SUSPICION OF THE MIGUELITE 
FACTION. 

The following occurrence, which took place 
during my stay in the castle, may be worthy of 
mention. There are in that building two chapels, 
one in the Enchovia, and another in the Salla 
Livre, in each of which mass is said on every Sun- 
day and saint's day. 

The prisoners of the Salla Fechado, hear mass in 
the Enchovia, and the officers are let into a place 
they call a Tribune, which is a room contiguous 
to the Salla Livre, where they perform vespers two 
evenings in the week. They are obliged to chaunt 
certain prayers in a loud voice, and this lasts 
about a quarter of an hour. There are two lighted 
candles on the altar, and the prisoners stand 



184 



i*ound in front of the chapel, which is nothing more 
than a cupboard with two folding doors. 

It had long been a custom among the prisoners 
in the castle, to make a festival to St. Peter, as 
advocate for prisoners. This notion, I apprehend, 
originates from his keeping the keys of Heaven ; 
and he is the object of veneration upon this prin- 
ciple, in all the prisons throughout Portugal.* 

A few days previous to St. Peter's Day (29th 
June), leave was obtained from the jailer and 
secretary to celebrate this festival as usual, with 
a grand mass and music, if the prisoners could so 
arrange it, and pay the necessary fees. 

Now it happened, we had the master of the 
band, belonging to the 13th regiment, amongst 
us ; this man had been imprisoned, by mistake, for 
the master of another band, and he volunteered to 
procure his musicians to come and play at the 
festival. 

A subscription was accordingly opened, and 
those who had money cheerfully contributed, 
more influenced, in all probability, by the pleasure 

* The infamous system pursued in most despotic governments of 
ncarcerating men in prison without the semblance of a charge, at 
he mere will of a despot, may also have produced this appeal to their 
patron saint. 



185 

they expected to derive from the company, and 
the liberty of the day, than from any devotional 
feeling towards the keeper of the keys. 

At length every thing was arranged ; but I 
must observe here, that I conceive such a con- 
cession would never have been made to the 
prisoners, had it not been considerably facilitated 
by the interest the officiating priest had in the 
affair. It would, in political times, have been a 
matter of extreme difficulty, though, at other 
periods, a matter of course. 

On this occasion, it was necessary that St. 
Peter should be present in person, and they bor- 
rowed him from some neighbouring church or 
chapel ; he accordingly arrived in the afternoon 
of the 28th. Every thing being ready, he was 
placed on the altar, and two large keys hung on 
his right hand. No one in the prison, among the 
saint's friends, seemed to recollect that he was a 
namesake of the Emperor of the Brazils, although 
eventually every one was accused of it. 

Some staunch Miguelite immediately went off 
to the intendant of police, and reported " that 
the prisoners were making preparations for a fes- 
tival in the castle, and that they had got St. Peter 
there, though they had no devotion for that apos- 



186 

tie, who kept the keys of Heaven ; that they had 
profaned his sacred hand with a blue ribband 
and white pewter keys, (blue and white being 
the Constitutional colours) ; that the saint was 
merely the representative of Don Pedro, and 
that the whole signified that Don Pedro would 
lock up Don Miguel ! ! P 

When the prisoners were rejoicing at the idea 
of this temporary relief to their misery, the report 
which had reached the intendant, and caused 
great alarm amongst the Royalists, produced an 
order to the jailer, on the evening of the 28th, 
prohibiting the festival, and enjoining a strict 
observance of the conduct of the prisoners on St. 
Peters Day. St. Peter himself was ordered out 
of the Castle that night, and the money returned 
to the subscribers as quietly as possible : each one 
wishing to avoid, as much as possible, being men- 
tioned as a subscriber to what they chose to con- 
sider an act of political devotion. 

The devotees of St. Peter returned the money 
subscribed without hesitation, because the plan 
was not carried into effect. Will Don Miguel, 
in like manner, return the money he has extorted 
from the nation, as a voluntary subscription, 
should his usurpation not be carried into effect ? 



187 

It was about this time that the people began to 
subscribe to the emergencies of the state. They 
came forward, and put down their names for 
various sums, from one to twenty pounds. Some 
gave ahorse, others a mule ; some a load of straw, 
others a quantity of corn. But it must be remem- 
bered, that those who subscribed in this voluntary 
manner, were mercenary and servile wretches, 
who expected a double return in some way or 
other. 

There cannot be a greater proof of this, than 
the fact that very few persons subscribed, and 
the whole amount was a mere trifle in ready 
money. Many of them gave^ up titles to their 
shares of the public debt, knowing there was little 
chance of its ever being paid. 

They did not, however, come forward so fast as 
was expected. The government therefore resorted 
to another scheme, which brought a great deal of 
money into the treasury, and served another 
purpose, not a little advantageous to the usurpa- 
tion of Don Miguel ; for it was intended to make 
the world believe in the unanimity of the people 
in his favour. 

This latter subscription the priests took in 
hand, and went begging from house to house. By 



188 



adopting this expedient, no one escaped — either 
the contribution or the prison.* ^About a shilling 
was the lowest sum subscribed at first; but it 
soon grew lower and lower; and before I left 
Portugal, I saw many times in the Gazette of 
Lisbon, hundreds of subscribers as low as one 
vintim (about one penny each), and the highest 
sum not more than ten shillings. 

Many of these subscribers to the government 
of Don Miguel, were afterwards thrown into 
prison on political suspicion : several who were 
in the castle with me, informed me they had 
subscribed more than once, in hopes of remaining 
unmolested. But to be suspected of even thinking 
of politics was sufficient to justify incarceration ; 
and if once in prison, no matter how or for what, 
justly or unjustly, it was no easy matter to get 
out again. 

I am well acquainted with a prisoner, though I 
will not, for obvious reasons, mention his name, 
whom I left in the castle at my departure. An 
intimate friend of this gentleman, through a bribe, 
got at the intendant of police, who told him, " his 

* Does not this equal any of the atrocities committed by the late 
Emperor of France, when he wished to make an example of any 
conquered city ? 



189 

friend was confined on mere suspicion, without 
being charged with any crime ; but that it was 
not in his power to liberate him, as many others 
would in that case expect the same ; but," he 
added, " tell him to make himself easy ; when 
the time comes, I will do all I can for him ; at 
present, he must remain where he is, his Majesty 
being determined not to release any of these 
people till all is settled. When he (Miguel) is 
recognised, you will see then what he will do 
with these Masons ; but tell your friend to 
make himself easy, I will think of him in good 
time." 



190 



CHAPTER XXIV. 

CONVICT PHYSICIANS; CRUEL TREATMENT OF THE INSANE 
PRISONERS. 

I have already mentioned several facts to 
shew the treatment the unfortunate victims ex- 
perience whose lot it is to fall into the hands of 
the despot or his officers. I hope I have given 
sufficient explanation, in each case, to shew the 
reader that numbers, I may say nearly all of them, 
are persecuted without the slightest reason or 
justice. And such is the system which prevails, 
that when a man is put into prison, it matters not 
tinder what pretence, the plan is to keep him 
there, although he may not be a person qualified 
to do the state an injury, even if at liberty to 
do it. 

This most plainly shews that the imprisonment 
of such individuals is not, as they pretend, for the 



191 

safety of the state, but absolute tyranny and 
wanton oppression. The two following cases will 
clearly prove this assertion. 

A man, nearly eighty years of age, was brought 
handcuffed from a prison at Covilham to Lisbon, 
a distance of more than two hundred miles, on 
foot, and compelled to walk the entire distance, 
during extremely hot weather. When he arrived 
at the castle he was quite exhausted, nearly dead 
with fatigue, and, as might be expected, this was 
followed by a fever. 

It was fortunate for this old man, (though in 
good circumstances, and able to pay for medical 
advice), that he was accompanied by two sur- 
geons and a physician, as fellow-prisoners, who, 
knowing him intimately, paid him every possible 
attention during the continuance of the fever. 

Had this old gentleman fallen into the hands 
of the " doctor,'' as he is called, who attends the 
hospital of the castle, he would most probably 
have met with the same treatment as many others 
who go from the prison to that receptacle — 
" from whose bourne no traveller returns." 

In such a country as Portugal, under the 
government of Don Miguel, a total neglect of 
duty throughout every department might naturally 



192 

be expected ; but it would be scarcely credible, 
if the fact were not capable of being corroborated 
by thousands of persons at Lisbon, that this doc- 
tor, to whose care the lives of hundreds of un- 
fortunate persons are entrusted, actually dropped 
from the gallows! Some interesting particulars 
connected with the history of this culprit-physician 
I must reserve for another volume, which will 
embrace numerous facts and anecdotes illustrative 
of the habits and character of the Portuguese. 

To return to the poor old prisoner. I often sat 
by his side in his cell. He was charged the sum 
of five moidores (£5 sterling), by the jailer, to be 
allowed to remain in it, as a matter of grace and 
favour. He told me many times that he never ex- 
pected to leave the castle alive, though he was 
perfectly innocent of every thing of which they 
accused him. He said he was accused of being a 
Freemason, though he did not know what a Free- 
mason was ; he told me that he had heard many 
strange stories about them, but had no idea of 
what Freemasonry consisted. His property was, 
however, all confiscated, and from affluence he 
was reduced to misery. 

Just before I left the castle, he began to re- 
cover from his fever ; and when I took my leave 



193 

of him, he embraced me, and said, " God bless you : 
I shall never see you again." I said, " Yes, you will; 
I shall be here again soon." He squeezed my hand, 
and replied, "If you can live in any other country, 
never come back here again the tears ran down 
the poor old man's face, and we parted in silence. 

As another instance of the atrocious villany 
and brutality which the tools of the usurper prac- 
tise on the unfortunate victims who fall into their 
clutches, I shall relate the history of another fellow- 
prisoner in the Castle of Lisbon. 

A young man of respectable family, an ensign 
in one of the regiments, who was not peculiarly 
bright in his intellects, yet totally incapable of 
doing harm to any one, was denounced as a Free- 
mason and Republican, and an enemy to Don 
Miguel and his Government. When brought to 
the castle, he was at first put among the officers, 
but he did not like his situation, and begged to be 
placed in an inferior part of the prison, which favour, 
after great difficulty, was granted. 

He was then placed in the part of the prison 
in which I was confined : when I first saw him, 
he looked decidedly like an insane man, and all 
his actions were of the same character. He 
would take the broom and sweep the whole of 

o 



194 

the prison ; and when he could get into a dark 
corner, he would remain there till they turned 
him out, and then he would cry like a child. 

When his friends sent him his food, he refused 
it, and said he would live on charity. He was 
always endeavouring to hide himself, and would 
remain perfectly quiet when he was allowed to 
sit in the dark, if they would let him alone. But 
this indulgence to the poor maniac was refused 
by these unfeeling wretches. He was ordered to 
mix with the other prisoners, and when he re- 
fused, the sweepers and assistants dragged him 
out ; he then became very violent, when they put 
him into a dungeon. 

Instead of being more exasperated at this latter 
treatment, the moment he was placed in the dun- 
geon he became quiet, and we heard no more of 
him during the whole night. When the atten- 
dants went to meet him next morning, the miser- 
able man begged earnestly to remain where he 
was ; but it was too great an indulgence to allow 
the poor victim to remain in a dungeon ! He was 
again brought out, in spite of his intreaties, and 
again became refractory from the irritation he 
received, till at length he was obliged to be 
removed by force to the hospital for lunatics ! 
I have previously stated, that the servants we 



195 

had in the prison were young ragged boys, with 
the exception of an old man, who had been 
twenty-four years attending the prisoners in the 
castle. This man, whose name is Quintino, is 
altogether a very singular character; — he is about 
seventy- four years of age, four feet six or seven 
inches high, stout made, long visage, with a 
hooked nose, and small eyes ; he takes a great 
quantity of snuff, and generally manages to get 
drunk every day. He was occasionally admitted 
into some of the prisons, but at others he was only 
allowed to come to the window-bars, and deliver 
what was sent for in the presence of the sentinel. 

This man was usually my servant, and I found 
him a tolerably honest fellow, considering the 
situation in which he was placed. I had heard 
from the prisoners many curious stories of him, 
and have often heard him say, when any of the 
prisoners have played him tricks — I shall carry 
the marmalade for you yet." One day I got him 
into my cell, and prevailed on him to tell me his 
history, which history, being a tolerable epitome 
of a Portuguese vagabond, may not be out of 
place here, by way of illustrating certain portions 
of my narrative, relating to the inferior order of 
Portuguese. 

o 2 



196 



CHAPTER XXV. 

QUINTINO, AN OFFICER IN THE SUITE OF DON MIGUEL, 
ST. GEORGE'S CASTLE. 

Quintino is a native of Portugal : he was born 
in a hut, between Sacavem and Povoa, about 
nine miles from Lisbon : his father was a cow- 
doctor, and his mother sold second-hand clothes 
at Villa Franca. 

When Quintino was only five years old, he was 
compelled to get his living by picking up manure on 
the road, which he carried home in a small basket. 

His mother (like the Irishwomen, who send 
their children out to beg in the streets of London) 
allowed him no breakfast till he brought home a 
basket full of manure ; but he soon found a plan 
to save himself the trouble of waiting until he got 
himself a basket full, in order to earn his break- 
fast ; he applied to every one that passed, saying 
he had neither father nor mother, and was very 



197 

hungry. After he had by this means satisfied the 
cravings of hunger, he was in the practice of 
burying any surplus money he might have pos- 
sessed (for he had no pocket). His mother's saga- 
city, however, soon discovered poor Quintino's 
proceedings, from his not going home to break- 
fast, and frequently not for the whole day. 

A new treaty was therefore made, but not until 
after Quintino got a good sound thrashing. He 
was obliged to bring home four baskets full every 
day, or pay ten reis (about a halfpenny) in default 
of each basket, which of course he had to beg, 
borrow, or steal. To his great regret, however, 
the new basket was one that he had stolen from 
behind a bullock-cart, when the driver was asleep, 
and which was larger than the old one by one 
half. To this part of the contract Quintino demur- 
red, but his mother asked him, " if he himself did 
not grow bigger," called him a young rascal, beat 
him severely, and crying out to him all the time, 
" As you grow larger, you villain, you shall do 
more work." 

Senor Quintino began at length to reflect seri- 
ously how he should avoid doing more work, or 
indeed, doing any work at all, and he hit upon the 
following plan. He went every day to an image 



198 

of the Virgin Mary, which was placed on the 
road-side, a little way out of Sac a vein, and prayed 
that she would not let him grow any bigger. 

When, in reciting his history, he came to this 
part of his story, he said, with great simplicity — 
" You see what a fool I was : I have always been 
sorry ever since ; do not you perceive clearly, 
now, why I am so small V 

As he grew older, he became far better known 
on the road ; being in the habit of helping himself 
to any thing portable from the country carts which 
travelled that road ; so that, at twelve years of 
age, he was obliged to retire from his native place, 
and think of some more honourable way of pro- 
curing a livelihood. He knew his predatory 
course of life was wrong : and to adopt his own 
words — t£ when I was twelve years of age I began 
the military life, and was a drummer under Gomez 
Fareira. My arms were too short to make a good 
drummer, and my drum was always dragging on 
the ground. I was not more than five years in 
the army, when I was discharged. I next went 
to be esquire or body servant to an old noble lady, 
who was very poor, and could not afford to keep 
a better servant." 

Quintino, at this juncture, according to his own 



199 

account, had only, in the way of wardrobe, a sol- 
dier's jacket ; but the old lady, who was an eco- 
nomist, soon arranged him a coat, and he became 
very speedily " one of the family." There were 
two other servants in this establishment — a com- 
mon servant, and a ladies'-maid ; the latter and 
himself frequently used to sit and play cards with 
the old lady, when no better company could be 
obtained ; but on these occasions the old lady 
(probably considering the honour sufficient) always 
forgot to pay her losings, as well as servant's 
wages. 

The ladies'-maid was old and ugly, but never- 
theless very fond of Quintino ; but as he had a love 
affair in another quarter, he was anxious to get 
away from his place. For more than three years 
he received no more than fifteen shillings in the 
form of wages or money ; but he was in the habit 
of selling a little corn now and then, on his own 
account, which was brought to the old lady by way 
of rent. He usually shared the profits with the 
ladies'-maid, which he could not well avoid, be- 
cause she had the keys of the granary in which 
it was kept, though he candidly acknowledged 
that he always cheated her in the price, " because 
she was ugly." 



200 

The young lady, however, who was mistress of 
his affections, was a shoemaker's daughter, and 
her father offered to instruct his intended son-in- 
law in the art and mystery of the craft; but he said, 
" he would not learn it, because it was hard work, 
and he never liked work in his life." From some 
of the numerous causes which happen in the best 
of families, as Quintino said, something happened 
in this family to break off the match ; in conse- 
quence of which, the son of St. Crispin beat our 
hero in such a manner, that he was resolved to be 
revenged. He seized a knife, and made a des- 
perate rush at his antagonist, and cut his head 
most severely. Supposing he had mortally 
wounded his enemy, he (after the Portuguese 
fashion) fled to a convent to save himself from 
justice. 

This convent was a little distance from Lisbon. 
The friars received him with their usual hospitality 
in such cases. He told them he had killed a man 
in a passion, and was sorry for it, and would be 
glad if they would employ him. 

The friars, at this time, happened to be in want 
of a lago (a lay brother), and asked him if he had 
face enough to beg ? He promptly replied, that 
he had been brought up to that profession ; they 



201 



next cut short one of their habits, cut his hair 
close, and dressed him up in the costume of a 
mendicant friar. 

They gave him a large bag, and a snuff box. 
He told them he did not take snuff; they said, 
" No matter, when you meet with a countryman, 
give him a pinch of snuff before you ask charity; 
and you will be sure to get something from him." 

After being drilled for about a fortnight in the 
art and mystery of begging, Quintino set out 
one day with his bag, which was made like a purse, 
with two ends to it, and an opening in the middle. 
This bag was slung over his shoulder; they told 
him to put the money in the front, and the black 
puddings, or other provisions, behind. Being 
remarkably short and thick, he made a very curious 
looking friar ; however, he had very good luck 
in his new vocation. On the first day, without 
walking any great distance, he came home at 
night, with his bag full of beans and pigs' puddings 
at one end, and about three shillings and sixpence 
in copper, at the other. 

The prior was greatly pleased with him ; the 
next day he rested, and the day following started 
again on another road : they gave him a route 
from a book kept for that purpose. 



202 

After he had been with them about a fortnight, 
one Sunday afternoon, as he was sleeping in the 
garden at the back of the convent, the prior and 
syndic were walking together. They stopped 
just as Quintino awoke out of his sleep, and he 
heard them talking about him ; the prior observed, 
" He is too great a fool to cheat us," to which the 
syndic replied, " If he meets with none of the 
lagos of other convents in his rounds, he will do 
for some time : besides, he is afraid to leave us." 

This was all Quintino could distinctly hear, but 
immediately he began to think what a fool he had 
been, not to have pocketed already some of the 
money. 

The next time he went out, he began to lay 
aside a little cash for himself, and so continued 
for a long time, until he had saved about ten 
moidores. 

He was now growing very corpulent, like all 
the friars, and every body laughed at him, owing 
to his short stature and rotundity of carcass. 

After being nearly two years in the convent, 
and cautiously avoiding the place where he 
imagined he had committed the murder on the 
poor shoemaker, he began to think of doing 
something on his own account. 



203 

He went one day to a fair at some distance, to 
beg, and among others in his rounds, he stumbled 
on his old sweetheart, the shoemaker's daughter, 
selling lemonade* He looked at her, and passed 
by her two or three times ; his heart beat with 
emotion, and he thought it probable she might 
not recognise him in his disguise as a friar, so he 
resolved on speaking to her. 

He went up to her stall, and asked charity of 
her ; she knew him immediately, and cried, 
" God be praised ! is that you, Quintino ?" He 
said, " Yes, but for God's sake, don't call me 
Quintino : call me Friar Peter, that's my name 
now. 5 ' " I'll lay a wager," cried she, " you have 
been at some of your tricks, or why did you alter 
your name ? ? ' " Why !" said he, " because I killed 
your father. '' She burst into an immoderate fit of 
laughter, saying, " My father is in the fair some- 
where, you did not hurt him." 

Quintino was astonished and pleased beyond 
measure ; he expressed a great desire to see the 
shoemaker, and attended the tent or stall while 
she went in search of him. They soon came 
together, embraced each other, all animosity 
ceased, and they retired into the tent to take 
refreshment. 



204 



Our hero thought he liked Theresa better than 
ever, and communicated to her and her father how 
much he was possessed of in ready money. They 
persuaded him, as may be imagined, not to return 
to the convent ; but to set up in the lemonade 
business. The lady explained to him the profit 
upon this article, as follows : — six-penny worth of 
lemons, and the same sum for a quart of treacle, 
with a barrel of water, one penny, would, at a 
farthing a glass, (the ordinary price in Portugal), 
bring a return of six or seven shillings. 

Quintino was seduced by these arguments, and 
resolved on leaving the convent; but he was 
obliged to return once more, because his hoard 
of money was hid in the garden : which fact he 
communicated to the shoemaker and his daughter. 
These worthy people laid their heads together ; 
their first resolve was to go at night and get over 
the garden walls; but, on reflection, Quintino 
thought that dangerous. Theresa, however, 
shewed her female sagacity, by recommending 
" that he should go home that night, and give up 
all he had in the sack, say he was very much fa- 
tigued, and that next day he would not come 
home, but beg the fair out, which only lasted two 
days longer ; that he could beg a great deal in 



205 



those two days, and might beg a day or two 
afterwards in those parts, before he threw off his 
friar's habit." 

This plan was adopted ; and when the time 
came, he went home, and of course no suspicion 
was entertained ; he told the friars, " it was too 
far to come home after walking all day, and that 
he would return when the fair was over." 

During the night, he went and got his money 
from the garden ; and next morning went to the 
fair, and met his dear Theresa and her father. He 
lodged his money in the lady's hands, and made 
the most of his time during the fair ; and as soon 
as that was over, they all set off together towards 
Lisbon. He was afraid of begging again on the 
road ; and when it was night, he took off his capu- 
chin habit, and hung it on a hedge, with the white 
bag upon it. They pursued their journey, and 
arrived at Lisbon about twelve o'clock the same 
night. 

Next morning, the shoemaker went out and 
bought a coat and hat for Quintino, but he could 
not stir out of the house, on account of his hair 
being cut short, and his neck shaved all round. 
This was an unlucky circumstance, and a wig was 
proposed, which the shoemaker went in search of, 



206 



and soon came home with a second-hand wig ; 
they cut off all the remaining hair he had, and 
when he put his wig on, and was dressed, no one 
would have known he had been a friar. 

The shoemaker now proposed he should marry 
his daughter, which he agreed to, and they set 
about arranging matters for the ceremony. This 
took them more than a month, and they were 
finally married. 

They then resolved on travelling to the different 
fairs, in the lemonade trade. They went into 
Alentejo, and the summer being rather cool, 
people did not drink so much lemonade as Quintino 
and his wife could have wished. In consequence 
of this, the whole family took to drinking wine 
and brandy. 

In about twelve months, all the money he had 
obtained by begging was gone, and Mrs. Quintino 
and her husband did not agree so well together; 
he also fell out with her father, and, in short, they 
parted, and our hero went off to Lisbon. He 
was there some time, but could procure no em- 
ployment. 

He then went to Coimbra, where he obtained a 
situation as assistant to the kitchen gardener of a 
convent ; and after living a considerable period in 



20? 

that capacity, he went to a farm belonging to the 
friars, for the purpose of taking care of the cattle ; 
here again he continued some time, but often la- 
mented having put off his capuchin habit. 1 

He obtained nothing from the friars but his 
food, and now and then some old clothes ; he re- 
solved therefore to leave them, and one morning, 
instead of taking out the cattle, he set off to 
Oporto. 

On arriving at this city, he made his way into 
the barracks amongst the soldiers ; with them he 
lived a short time, fetching them water, and assist- 
ing them to clean their accoutrements, &c. 

He next procured an old suit of drummer's uni- 
form, with which he equipped himself, and then 
joined a blind beggar who played the guitar. 
Quintino, having a tolerable voice, was the vocalist, 
and they went round all the country fairs on a 
begging expedition. 

Being by nature a beggar, and having had in- 
struction from the very best school of beggars, the 
monks and friars^ it may be supposed he succeeded 
tolerably well in his new calling. 

In one of his excursions he met his father-in- 
law again, at a fair, who was still carrying on the 
lemonade trade ; this was more than seven years 



208 



after they had parted the second time, and Mrs. 
Quintino was dead. He observed, on relating this 
part of his history, with some emotion, that " it 
had always hurt his conscience to think he had 
abandoned her/ 5 

He then followed his last occupation for some 
years longer, when the blind man, who was old 
when they began to travel together, died. 

He then went to Lisbon, and was taken up by 
the police for some trifling offence ; they were 
taking him to the common prison, but he told them 
lie was a military man, and insisted upon his right 
to be taken to the castle. 

The soldiers took him there with a view of 
humoring the eccentricity of his character ; he 
remained there a long time a prisoner, but at last 
was liberated. Having become acquainted with 
those prisoners he left behind, he was employed 
by them as a servant or messenger on various oc- 
casions, and thus had continued in that em ployment, 
with their successors, for about four and twenty 
years, to the present time. 

This man's story, as given by himself, was much 
longer ; but I have related the more interesting 
part of it. I asked him, at the conclusion, why he 
threatened, " that he would carry the marmalade 



209 

after those who offended him, and what that threat 
implied ?" To this he replied, that, " when any 
man went to be hanged, he (Quintino) always car- 
ried the marmalade after him, and when he re- 
quired it, he gave him a piece to moisten his 
mouth, and what was left he had for himself, and 
five ventimes in money ; but," added he, " there 
are now very few hanged ; the last was a grenadier, 
a great big fellow," he said, " who ate two basins 
of marmalade on his way to the gallows," and 
concluding, most emphatically, with " D — n his 
chops, he did not leave me a morsel 1" 

According to all probability, Quintino will not 
long have reason to regret the want of marmalade ; 
for if the wretch Miguel be allowed bv the other 
powers to retain the station he has usurped, there 
will be no lack of executions, either in Lisbon or 
all the other cities in Portugal. 



210 



CHAPTER XXVI, 

MURDERERS TAKING SANCTUARY J ATROCIOUS CONDUCT OF 
THE CLERGY. 

The following facts, which happened within my 
own knowledge, afford additional proofs of the 
infamous way in which justice is defeated in Por- 
tugal, through the interference of the monks and 
friars, and the protection called sanctuary. 

About ten years since a respectable surgeon, 
living in a small town near Leiria, accompanied 
his wife to a neighbouring fair. The lady, like 
many other ladies, attracted by a display of jewel- 
lery at a stall, inquired the price of a gold neck- 
chain. The goldsmith, who was a well known 
bad character, replied, "The price is a kiss." The 
husband told him the lady was his wife, and 
civilly advised him to behave himself in a proper 
manner; and nothing farther occurred at that 
time. 



211 

About six months after this, the goldsmith and 
a companion were travelling through a wood ; and 
as usual when persons travel with any property, 
they were each armed with a carbine. In this 
situation the surgeon unfortunately met the parties 
by accident, when one of the men said to the 
other, " Let us shoot this fellow.' 9 The other said, 
" No, let him go about his business but, the 
former ordered the surgeon to kneel down, which 
he did, and begged for life, but to no effect, for 
the ruffian immediately fired, and lodged several 
slugs in his body, by which he fell lifeless. 

The wretches then dismounted from their mules, 
and dragged the body to a ditch, covering it with 
dry leaves. Their villany was, however, observed 
by a peasant near the spot, but for fear of his own 
life, he was at that moment incapable of giving 
any assistance to the deceased. 

At the moment they had buried the body of the 
unfortunate victim, another man, who heard the 
report, came up to the spot: when the murderers 
mounted their mules, and made off with all possi- 
ble expedition to an adjacent convent, where, of 
course, they obtained sanctuary. 

The two peasants, who had watched their pro- 
ceedings, immediately went and gave information 

p 2 



212 

to the magistrates of the district, and officers were 
sent off in pursuit of the murderers ; but all in 
vain : for it was well known they had taken 
shelter in the Convent of Alcaboca, within two 
leagues of the place where the murder was perpe- 
trated. 

The widow of the unfortunate surgeon com- 
menced proceedings in the criminal court, and 
the murderers being well known to the witnesses, 
were found guilty, though they defied justice by 
remaining in the convent. 

The laws of Portugal afford a loop-hole for the 
escape of the villains, which, as a sample of bar- 
barism, is worthy of mention here. 

When a culprit commits murder, i'f the next of 
kin of the deceased be too poor to prosecute the 
criminal, or corrupt enough to receive a bribe to 
forego prosecution, the culprit may be easily re- 
leased from the hands of justice : the officers, 
one and all, from the judge to the jailer, being 
guilty of receiving bribes to defeat justice. 

The unfortunate widow, however, was not to 
be bribed to commute the atrocious murder on 
her husband. She pursued the prosecution, and 
the ruffians were convicted by law, though pro- 
tected by the friars, and enabled to defy the 



213 



execution of justice on their heads. On the con- 
trary, these inhuman monsters were kept in the 
convent, under the protection of the priests, for 
three years, during which period, they, with 
the assistance of the villanous monks, who regard 
their oath as much as they do their Saviour, com- 
menced a prosecution against the widow, for 
defamation of character ! 

They procured what was called a "justifica- 
tion," and the greater part of the friars of the 
Convent of Alcoboca, came forward to swear that 
the criminals, who had already been convicted in 
the ordinary court, were honest, honourable men! 
They swore roundly that they had known the 
goldsmith,the chief murderer, for a number of years, 
as a worthy man, altogether incapable of com- 
mitting an offence. They went so far as to suborn 
witnesses, who swore that the two culprits were, 
at the period of the murder, residing in another 
district at some distance from Alcoboca. 

The decision of the judge, on the appeal of jus- 
tification, was given in favour of these ruffians, 
with full authority to commence prosecution 
against the widow for loss of character and loss of 
time from their business ; and the ultimate issue 



214 

was the ruin of the unfortunate woman with law 

expences. 

The lesser criminal of the two who committed 
this atrocious murder, I saw not long before my 
imprisonment at Leiria. He made no secret of 
acknowledging the whole proceedings after his 
acquittal, though he threw the chief burthen of 
the crime on the goldsmith, who died soon after 
his infamous liberation. Could such an atrocious 
violation of every thing like law or justice have 
taken place, but for the sanctuary afforded these 
criminals by base and perjured friars ! 

I shall give another instance of the atrocities 
frequently committed by these friars, under the 
exterior mask of religion. 

I have previously stated that there are not less 
than three convents of monks in the immediate 
environs of Leiria. Many of the ignorant pea- 
santry, and even the better orders, of both sexes, 
are in the practice of coming to one or other of 
these convents, to undergo the farce of confession 
before the friar or monk, in preference to con- 
fessing to their parish clergy and exposing their 
private affairs. During the period of Lent, in the 
year 1825, a farmer came to Leiria with his 



215 



daughter, a fine girl, twelve years of age, to un- 
dergo the ceremony of confession. This farmer 
was in tolerable circumstances, and never failed 
to give something, either in the form of corn, oil, 
puddings, or other produce, to the mendicant 
friars, who are always prowling through the 
country on begging expeditions. 

The farmer applied to the Franciscan Convent 
of Leiria for the performance of his spiritual 
duties, considering that he had some peculiar 
claim on the friars of that convent from his former 
liberality to their fraternity. 

The farmer having some other business to 
transact in Leiria besides devotion, the worthy 
friar very kindly suggested to him that he should 
dispatch his (the farmer's) transgressions in the 
first instance ; when he might go about his other 
business in the town, and the young girl's con- 
fession could be gone through by his return. 
The honest farmer took this spiritual advice, and 
left his daughter in the care of the friar till his 
return. 

The holy father, as soon as the farmer had 
quitted the convent, said to the young girl, 
" Walk into this chapel, I shall confess you 



216 

here;" and carried the girl into the vestry-room 
of the chapel. 

Soon after, a number of persons (some of whom 
I could name) who were performing their devo- 
tions in the adjoining chapel, heard a dreadful 
screaming from a female voice, but they were 
afraid to interfere by seeking the cause of the 
distress ; when the young creature, having 
loosened herself from the grasp of this pious 
ruffian, ran into the chapel, calling on the people 
for protection, at the same time explaining the 
treatment she had experienced. 

Soon afterwards the father of the girl arrived, 
expecting her to be absolved from her sins. 
When he heard the statement of his child, which 
was corroborated by the spectators in the chapel, 
he immediately took her away, and proceeded to 
the house of the Bishop of Leiria, and related 
to him the whole transaction. 

The. pious bishop, like a true Jesuit, advised 
the farmer to " go home, and let the affair remain 
quite quiet, and he would punish the friar for his 
misconduct !" 

The farmer did as he was recommended. But 
the inhabitants of Leiria made the affair a town- 



217 

talk for a few days, after which nothing more 
was heard of the matter. The ruffian friar was 
merely removed to a convent near Lisbon, as the 
only punishment for his atrocious conduct! 

On this occasion I expressed my surprise to a 
friend — a worthy sort of a man, though a priest— 
that the bishop should allow such a wretch as 
this friar to go unpunished. My friend replied, 
" that it would afford a bad example to punish 
him publicly ; that the bishop had written to the 
provincial, or head of the Franciscan Monks, to 
take from this pious friar the power of confessing 
for a certain period, as an atonement for his 
crime ; and," said he, " I have no doubt they 
will carry the sentence into effect. " 

I could fill a volume with the most scandalous 
and revolting transactions practised in the con- 
vents, and also in private houses throughout 
Portugal, by these reptiles of the creation under 
the garb of religion, and the sanction of the Inqui- 
sition, but I must defer it to a future occasion. 



218 



CHAPTER XXVII. 

PORTUGUESE LAW PROCEEDINGS, AND MOCKERY OF JUSTICE* 

Judicial proceedings in England are suffi- 
ciently encumbered with legal jargon and unne- 
cessary repetitions, but it bears no proportion to 
the state of judicial proceedings in Portugal. 
Both in civil as well as in criminal process, the for- 
malities introduced for the obvious purpose of 
creating delay and additional expenses, are alto- 
gether preposterous and insulting to the name of 
justice. 

In England, those who have the longest purse 
can always defeat, or defer justice (at least for a 
period), by carrying proceedings from one tri- 
bunal to another, but, in Portugal, the most 
shameful delays are introduced, even in the same 
court or tribunal, for creating expenses. 



219 

With regard to proceedings in the Portuguese 
law courts, there is an old proverb which is 
admirably applicable to those who suffer them- 
selves to be involved in the mazes of the law — 
" Peil igeiro bolca aberto e boca calado" — (a light 
foot, and an open purse, and a quiet tongue:) 
and certainly, with these adjuncts, wonders may 
be done, either in accelerating or retarding jus- 
tice, where the judges and other officers have 
nothing to attend to but receive bribes, and 
nothing to fear from the state or the clergy. 

But in the present political state of Portugal, 
things are quite different; one judge is afraid of 
another, and they are all afraid of the usurper. 

A remarkable instance of this debasement of 
the judicial character was afforded during the 
progress of my late trial. The officer termed 
" The British Judge Conservator," gave judgment 
in my case. This man fully admitted the 'perjured 
character of the witnesses ; yet he ordered me 
(with the view of reconciling the hatred of my 
persecutors) to sign an obligation not to inter- 
meddle in any way with political affairs. 

A gentleman, on whose word I can place per- 
fect reliance, informed me that this servile judge 



220 



told him that " he had made my case as ugly as he 
could," 

Such are the contemptible qualities of the 
present Anglo-Portuguese Judge Conservator ; a 
man who receives considerable fees for protecting 
the English residents, and for conducting their 
official matters in all transactions with the iniqui- 
tous and absurd Portuguese law courts. 

I could legally have objected to sign the said 
obligation, but I did not refuse to do so, as I had 
no intention or wish to meddle with their govern- 
ment, neither did I ever do so in any way ; 
but I should consider myself unworthy the name 
of Englishman, if I did not enter my protest 
against these unjust and oppressive proceedings. 

I shall avoid mentioning any further particulars 
with respect to the conduct of judges, witnesses, 
&c, as I have given marginal notes explanatory 
of all parts of the proceedings of my trial which 
require elucidation. 

The repetitions of official formalities may, per- 
haps, be somewhat tedious to the reader ; but 
they are indispensable, in order to render the 
minutes of the process a fair translation of the 
official copy in my possession, and which I shall 



221 



be happy to shew to any gentleman who may 
feel any interest in the proceedings. 

Being perfectly conversant with the Portuguese 
language, I have translated the document myself, 
and I have endeavoured to do it in the most faith- 
ful and impartial manner. I found some difficulty 
in procuring an official copy of the process, pro- 
bably from the jealousy or apprehension of the 
judges, that 1 contemplated at that time giving 
the degree of publicity to these transactions 
which I now do by the publication of this volume. 
These honest judges, however, did not fail to 
charge me a tolerable good price for the docu- 
ment, amounting to upwards of six pounds Eng- 
lish money. 

I am styled a merchant in the proceedings, 
though I was not in any mercantile concern ; this 
is, however, the usual designation in Portugal : 
and, in granting a passport, they generally put 
down the word " merchant," without asking 
(especially an Englishman) the question. 

However insignificant a man's dealings may 
be, he is, in Portugal, called a negociant ; and 
though I had no dealings in any business in 
Leiria, they always registered me as a merchant 
in my passports. 



222 

It will appear, from the report of my trial, that 
it commenced under the political commission, from 
which jurisdiction it was subsequently transferred. 

It is customary, when a process is taken into 
another court from that in which it began, to 
make what they call a " new face" which is 
written on the front of the documents ; and as 
often as it passes to a fresh court, it regularly 
assumes a " new face," with the addition of new 
fees. 

In order that the English reader may appreciate 
what is called in Portugal by the name of justice, 
I should recommend him to bear in memory, that 
during the whole of my trial I was never out of my 
prison-room, except three or four times to hear 
the orders read by the escrivao in the secretary's 
office, within the walls of the prison. 

I saw neither judge nor witnesses, except in 
the first instance, when I was examined at Leiria, 
on the eighteenth day of my confinement ; on 
which occasion, I was examined by commission 
from the corregidor of Leiria. 

This examination, I find, on comparing with the 
annexed process of my trial, is essentially different 
from the proceedings that actually took place, and 
which will be subsequently explained. 



223 



The English reader might naturally inquire, 
how I could frame my defence or plead to the 
charges brought against me without being con- 
fronted with my accusers? I answer, that I was 
compelled to employ attornies to make my defence 
by proxy. And such is the general character of 
these men, that after having engaged two of these 
gentlemen to defend me, and paid them very 
considerable fees in advance, I was obliged to 
send off to Oporto for a friend to undertake my 
defence, and, who I feel proud to acknowledge 
did every thing which the law of Portugal allowed, 
to obtain my entire acquittal of the charges 
brought against me. 

I could wish, in this place, to explain many 
other circumstances connected with my imprison- 
ment and trial ; but I feel it incumbent on me to 
confine myself to those facts which cannot, by any 
possibility, prejudice the better part of the Portu- 
guese, with whom I had constant intercourse. 

I must, however, take this opportunity of de- 
claring, without the slightest reservation, that 
while three-fourths of the priests and friars of 
Portugal are among the vilest of the human race, 
three-fourths of the other portion of the Portu- 
guese community are as honest and worthy a race 



224 

of people, in every respect, as can be found in 
any part of Europe ; and that under any thing 
like a good or liberal government, where the in- 
fluence of the priests was kept under controul, 
the Portuguese nation would soon exhibit abun- 
dant evidences of patriotism and moral integrity. 

The only prop which at present supports the 
usurper's throne — religious bigotry and super- 
stition — is growing weaker every day. The 
peace recently concluded with Buenos Ayres, by 
Don Pedro, will make the usurper's power totter 
to the centre. 

"When the result of Lord Strangford's mission 
to Rio Janeiro shall become known in Lisbon, 
from that moment Don Miguel's fall may be 
predicted. 

The reception of Donna Maria de Gloria, as 
Queen of Portugal, by his Majesty the King of 
England, cannot fail to have a very decided in- 
fluence on the affairs of Portugal. We shall, I 
trust, and firmly believe, yet see the despot 
Miguel hurled from his throne with greater pre- 
cipitancy than accompanied his usurpation. 

When the happy hour for Portugal arrives — 
and it cannot be far distant — when the arm of re- 
tribution shall overwhelm the traitor Miguel and 



225 

his base crew, and the young Queen Maria be 
proclaimed in the streets of Lisbon, there will 
then be no occasion to shut up shops, nor for 
patroles to encourage the rabble to shout for 
royalty, nor for forced orders to illuminate the 
houses, nor for spies to be employed to inform 
against innocent persons, nor for books to be 
provided to receive the signatures of the friends 
of royalty. 

So far from there being any actual foundation 
for the yell of the priests respecting the danger of 
Freemasonry, or, in other words, Republicanism, 
among the people of Portugal, it is a fact beyond 
all contradiction (and in a subsequent 
the Manners and Customs of the Portuguese," I 
intend to adduce ample proofs of my present state- 
ment) that the Portuguese, beyond all the people 
of Europe, are deeply attached to their ancient 
institutions, and more especially to the succes- 
sion of the House of Braganza. And that nothing 
short of the greatest moral and political turpitude 
in the descendants of that illustrious house (such, 
for example^ as the " illustrious" Senhor Don 
Miguel) could alienate the affections of the great 
mass of the Portuguese nation, or induce them to 
wish for a change of dynasty. 



THE TRIAL 



The following is a faithful Translation of an official 
Copy of the whole Proceedings which took place 
on the Trial of William Young, State Prisoner, 
in Portugal. 

Lisbon, 1828. 

Commission for trying all crimes committed 
against the royal person of his Majesty the 
King our Lord, and against the security of the 
state. 

Judge President — Dezembargadore Bernardo 
Antonio de Sobral Tavares. 

Judges Adjutants — Messrs. Dezembargadores, 
Ornellas, Carneiro, Macedo, Castro Henriquez 
Palha, Sa Lopez, Martins Ferrao, Feraz Maia, 

q 2 



228 



Clerk of the Court — Marroel Fermino de Abreu 
Ferrao Castello Branco. 

[Copied. *\ 

The process of the Royal Decree, which formed 
the said commission and certificate of the im- 
prisonment of William Young in the castle. 

Certificate. 

In the year of our Lord Jesus Christ, 1828, 
the 28th of August, in the said year, in Lisbon, 
and in this office, I noted the following pro- 
cess. 

Joaquin Jose Pereira de Miranda, 
Adjutant Clerk. 

Title.— Lisbon, 1828. 

British Conservatory Criminal Court. — Judge 
Senor Dezembargadore Antonio Cezario de Souza 
da Guera Quaresma, and now the Illustrious 
Senor Dezembargadore Bernardino Antonio do 
Sobral Tavares. 

The appeal of a criminal process, in which Wil- 
liam Young, one of his Britannic Majesty's sub- 
jects, is the defendant, now a prisoner in St. 



229 

George's Castle, and the plaintiff his Majesty's 
justice. 

Clerk, Antonio Jose de Sa Leao. 

Attorney for the Prisoner, Dr. Domingos 
Francisco Garandella.* 

Commission according to the Decree, 
15th August, 1828. 

Title.— Lisbon, 1828. 

British Conservatory criminal process of Wil- 
liam Young, one of his Britannic Majesty's sub- 
jects, prisoner in the gaol of the castle, against 
whom is the justice of his Majesty the King our 
Lord, whom God preserve. 
Antonio Peixoto da Rocha, Clerk of the Court, 

First Notification, 

In the year of our Lord Jesus Christ, 1828, on 
the 21st of July, in this city of Lisbon, and in 
my office, I received from Caitano Machado de 
Mattos, the following process and crimes of 
the prisoner, William Young, which I here 
notify. 

Antonio Peixoto da Rocha. 



* Noted, page .223. 



230 



Second Notification. 

In the year of our Lord Jesus Christ, 1828, the 
22d day of July, of the same year, in this city of 
Lisbon, I write the following certificate, said to 
be respecting William Young, English merchant, 
married, native of London, and actually a prisoner 
in the gaol of St. George's Castle, as appears in 
the certificate, delivered to me this day by the 
secretary of the said prison. 

Caitano Machada de Mattos, 
Clerk of the Court. 

Certificate of Imprisonment. 

Jose Joaquin de Aurauge, book-keeper (or secre- 
tary), of the gaol, in the Castle of St. George, 
&c, do certify, that in searching the books, kept 
for the purpose of entering the names of prisoners 
who are brought to the said prison, in which 
book, page 227, is found the following entry, and 
notes in the margin : William Young, married to 
Maria Jose de Souza Almeidae Silva, son of John 
Young and Jane Young, native of London, age 
forty-four years, residing in the city of Leiria, by 
order of the intendant general of police, con- 
ducted by the second serjeant of the 4th regiment 



231 



of cavalry, Antonio Joaquin, on the 16th of June, 
1828. 

(Note in the margin (a). This prisoner, William 
Young, remains under the orders of those to 
whom his crimes shall be distributed by the 
intendant of police, 17th June, 1828. 

(Second Note ). This prisoner, William Young, 

(a) This note is written in the margin "of the book kept at the 
prison for the entrance of the prisoners' names. At first, as may be 
seen by the entrance of my name, I am confined in that prison by 
order of the intendant of police. Some are by order of the King ; 
others the general of the Province. When any other authority 
takes charge of the prisoner, the escrivao, or clerk in court of that 
authority, goes to the prison and writes in the book, on the margin, 
near the prisoner's name, his profession, and that he is at the dis- 
posal of a certain judge, though this is not the form in all cases. It 
was so with me, because they were inclined to proceed more 
rapidly than with many others. The intendant of police trans- 
ferred me to the corregidor da corte e casa, the magistrate or 
judge of criminal cases for the crown ; and his clerk came on the 
30th of June, after I had been confined thirty-five days ; and that 
was considered as beginning my trial very speedily. This clerk, 
when he had placed the second note in the margin, sent one of the 
guards for me, who conducted me to the book-keeper's office. 
The escrivao told me I was from that time forward under the orders 
of the corregidor da corte e casa, and that I must defend myself, 
or my case would be going on, and that would be awkward for me. 
I told him, I was an Englishman, and would plead before no judge, 
except the British Judge Conservator ; and that I had reported to 
the consul of my nation, the treatment I had received, and expected 
the British government would afford me protection. He shrugged 
his shoulders and laughed ; I added, te they may do as they please 
with me," and left him. 



232 



remains under the orders of the judge of criminal 
cases for the crown, according to his crime, 
30th June 1828. Caitano Machada de Mattos, 
clerk ; and the entry contained nothing more than 
the above, found in the said book to which I 
refer, and ordered this certificate to be given, 
which is only signed by me, 

Jose Joaquin Ribeiro de Aurauge. 
Lisbon, 30th June, 1 828 years. 

Conclusion. 

I here finish Caitano Machado de Maltos, to- 
gether with the crimes of the prisoner, for deter- 
mination of time, 7th July, 1828. 

They agree in Council, (b) with the opinion of 

(b) This tribunal is called the Relagao (the Court of Appeal) * 
they decided that I should have five days to give in a statement of 
facts, and legal argument with them, to prove my innocence. This 
was decided on the 12th of July, and on the 16th the clerk came 
again, and I was sent for as before. When I came to the office, 
he told me they had agreed in council, at the Relaga6,"that I should 
give in mydefence in five days (de facto), and according to law, and 
that I must name an attorney. I told him I should name no one, 
neither should I say any thing either in five or five-and-twenty days, 
except before the British Judge Conservator. He again shrugged 
his shoulders and shook his head, as though sorry for my obstinacy ; 
and proceeded to say that the five days commenced on the 17th and 
would go on. They had named an attorney for me ; his name was 
Farria, and I might see him if I thought proper. I declined this, 



233 



the chancellor, serving as president, in making the 
process of William Young summary, and assign 
the five days to give in his defence (de facto), 
and, according to law, through the attorney he 
shall name, and he not naming one, they name 
the attorney of this house, Manoel Correia de 
Farria. 

Maltos, 

Garcia Nogueira, 

Palha, 

Costa, 

Castro Henriquez, 
Casal Ribeiro, 
Dr. dos Guimaraens. 
Lisbon, Ylth July, 1828. 

The above was published at the audience of the 
said Court of Relaf a6. 

Caitano Machado de Mattos, Clerk. 
\2th July, 1828. 

Intimation to the Prisoner. 
I acquainted the prisoner, William Young, per- 

and again left him. He made a memorandum of this in another 
note in the margin. Had I condescended to plead, what could I 
have done in five days ? I should undoubtedly have been sentenced 
to death, or transportation to Africa for life, as many more unfor- 
tunate men were sentenced at the same time and in the same 
court. 



234 

sonally, with the foregoing opinion of the Council, 
and he understood me well, and told me he should 
not name an attorney. Of course, the one named 
in the Council remains, to which I certify. 

Caitano Machado de Mattos, 
Clerk in Court. 

Lisbon, 16th July, 1828. 

Continuation of the sight of this process to the 
prisoner's attorney. 

Doctor Manoel Correia de Farria, 17th July, 
1828. Five days, with two appendages, the crime 
and questions to the prisoner. 

Date. 

This process, given with note in the margin, as 
follows :— -On the 19th day of July, 1828 years, 
Caitano Machado de Maltos wrote this. 

Note. 

I am asked for this process to decide a petition, 
from the British Conservatory. 

Correia de Farria. 

Remittance of the Process. 
On the 19th day of the month of July, 1828 



235 

years, in this city of Lisbon, and in my office, I 
remit this process, in its present state, with two 
appendages (one which contains the crime of the 
prisoner, William Young, confined in the Castle 
of St. George ; the other, containing the ques- 
tions put to the said prisoner) to the British 
Judge Conservator, by the hand of the clerk of 
the said judge's court, Antonio Peixote da 
Rocha, in consequence of the said petition for 
moving the case, given on account of a petition 
from the prisoner to the above judge, and sanc- 
tioned by Dr. Sebastian Jose Garcia Noguera, 
judge in criminal cases for the crown ; and that 
this may be known, I continued the article which 
is written by me. 

Caitano Machado de Mattos. 

On the 21st of July, 1828, in this city of 
Lisbon, I joined the petition and copy of the 
royal notice, by which the case was moved. 

Antonio Peixote de Rocha, Clerk. 

Petition to the British Judge Conservator, (c) 
" William Young, one of his Britannic Ma- 

(c) I prepared this petition to the British Judge Conservator, and 
sent it to him by a person I employed to do my business ; I also 
wrote to Mr. Mathews, the British 'Consul-General, again, entreating 



236 



jesty's subjects, confined in the gaolofthe Castle 
of St. George, in Lisbon, under the orders of the 
judge of criminal cases for the crown, for political 
crimes, says that, according to existing treaties, 
he should be tried by you, and by no means 
before any other judge. He cannot, nor will not, 
plead to the judge, in whose possession the crime 
alleged against him are to be found. And further, 
being informed that his Majesty has determined, 
by royal advice, that you should be the judge of 
all cases, although political, of the English sub- 
jects, requires you will order the case to be 
moved, applying to the said judge to send the 
process to the British Conservatory, with the 
crimes and all papers relative to the prisoner, 
without any alteration whatever. 

" Begging you will order as above, 

" Your Petitioner, &c. &c." 

Order. 

According to law. 

Silva Leitao. 

him to request the Judge Conservator would require ray case, as a 
British subject, to be moved to his court. I feel pleasure in doing 
justice to Mr. Mathews, by here stating, that Mr. Mathews did all 
in his power to facilitate my liberation, and it was ultimately car- 
ried into effect, in a great measure, through his interposition, by 
procuring a royal decree for my being transferred to the British 
Conservatory Court. 



237 



Copy of the Royal Advice, 

The King, our Lord, has been pleased to order 
the intendant general of police, by royal advice, 
dated this day, that he should immediately turn 
over to your orders, as British Judge Conser- 
vator, all subjects belonging to his Britannic 
Majesty, who are at present his prisoners, or his 
agents, within his district and jurisdiction. Sends 
to you, at the same time, the crimes of the said 
British subjects, in whatever state they may be ; 
and with respect to those whose crimes are not 
yet formed, the papers that are to serve the base 
for the formation of them ; and his Majesty has 
determined that you shall continue the criminal 
processes of the said British subjects,^) forming 

(d) It will appear strange to an Englishman, when he reads a 
royal decree, ordering the judge to make crimes for those who have 
none. 

This part of the decree alluded to a young man whose name is 
Cobham, a clerk, in the employ of Mr. Stealy, merchant of Lisbon ; 
who was at the time in the prison called the Limoeiro, though 
no crime whatever could be imputed to him. 

This young man was passing along through a crowd of people, 
who were following a number of prisoners who had just been dis- 
embarked in the Black Horse Square, and were marching to the 
castle, the mob shouting and insulting them. Mr. Cobham felt a 
person's hand in his pocket, and another at the same time making 
free with his hat ; he put up one hand to secure his hat, and tried, 
at the same time, to seize the pickpocket with the other ; but they 



238 



immediately the crimes of those who have 
none. God preserve you. 
Luis de Paula Furtadode Castrodo Rio de 

Mendonca, 
Senor Antonio Thomas de Silva Leitao. 
Palace Nossa Senhora de Ajuda, 10th July, 1828. 

This is according to the original. Concluded 
so far by me, 

Antonio Petxoto da Rocha. 
Lisbon, 2\st July, 1828. 

laid hold of him in the King's name, beat him violently (so much 
so, that when his case was disposed of, he was obliged to come 
over to England for his health), and pushed him into the midst of 
the escort, amongst the seventeen unfortunate prisoners that came 
down the country from Covelham, two hundred miles and upwards 
from Lisbon. When they arrived at the castle it was dark. I 
placed myself at a grating near the door, for the purpose of seeing 
the prisoners brought in, and I saw this young man among the 
rest. I had some knowledge of his face, and asked him if he was not 
an Englishman ; he said he was ; and he told me he had been cruelly 
treated. There was an officer of the police mounted close to him, 
and near the window I was looking through. I thought this officer 
had charge of him, and I inquired if the young man was coming 
into the prison. He said, " No ; and when the people were dispersed 
he might depart." When the prisoners had entered he was about 
going, when some of the mob called out, " Now, Tenth, don't 
let that English devil go," and immediately a soldier struck him ; 
he ran up to the officers, and the mob called out, " Well done, 
Tenth ;" ah ey took him away. I was ordered from the win- 
dow and saw no more. This was the man for whom his Majesty 
Don Miguel ordered a crime to be made ! ! 



239 



Order. 

The trial to proceed in the ordinary way in 
this court. 

Silva Leitao. 

list July, 1828. 

Published, without opposition from either part, 
at the audience in this court. 

Antonio Peixoto da Rocha, wrote this. 
2\st July, 1828. 

Intimation. 

I intimated the above to the prisoner, William 

Young, in the gaol of the castle. 

Antonio Peixoto da Rocha. 
22dJuly, 1828. 

The following petition presented 22d July, 
1828. 

I Antonio Peixoto da Rocha, wrote this. 
Petition, (e) 

William Young, a British subject, prisoner 

(e) When I presented this petition, the judge gave me two 
audiencesjto make my defence. The object of these audiences, 
which the Judge Conservator gives twice in the week, (Mondays and 
Thursdays), is in order to receive the prisoner's defence. Twice a 



240 



in the Castle of St. George, says, he wishes to 
plead against the crime for which he is in prison ; 
and as the justice of the court is the prosecutor, 
he begs you will be pleased to order the clerk to 
furnish him with the accusation against him in 
that court, and will ever pray. 

Order. 

As required. 

SlLVA LEITAO. 

Offered and received in Audience 

On the 24th July, 1828, in this city of Lisbon, 
and in audience given by the Counsellor Judge 
Conservator, for the English nation, where I, 
clerk, and promoter of justice, gave in the crime 
of William Young, which the said minister re- 
ceived, sit in quantum, and gave the prisoner two 
audiences to make his defence, which I have here 
noted. 

Antonio Peixoto da Rocha. 

week is the usual time of sitting also in the other courts. The 
tribunal called the Relagao sits on Tuesdays and Saturdays. The 
Political Commission sat on the same days as the Relagao, and in 
the same place. Could I not have prepared my defence in the 
time allowed, I might have petitioned for another audience, and 
another, if required, my case having become ordinary and no par- 
ticular time fixed for the decision : the brevity or the delay 
depending entirely on the depth of my purse. 



241 



By Criminal Accusation, and as Prosecutor againsf 
William Young, British Subject, Prisoner in the 
Castle, his* Majesty 9 s Justice, 

First charge, will prove, that all foreigners, 
established in any country whatsoever, where 
they receive hospitality, are obliged to respect 
the laws of the said country, and not intermeddle 
with the government; and, furthermore, not to 
assist their enemies — the prisoner has done the 
contrary, for which, 

Secondly, will prove that the prisoner, resident 
many years in the city of Leiria, where he is 
married, has always shewn himself to the public 
to be a Freemason, and a lover of the Republican 
system ; so much so has he shewn it, that, during 
the revolutionary system that began in Oporto, in 
1820, the prisoner appeared to feel the greatest 
pleasure, making festivals, dances, and performing 
plays, inducing the people to do the same. And 
he practised the same during the existence of the 
so called Constitutional Charter. (/) 

(/) They, in this charge, mean Don Pedro's charter. They 
say I practised the same (meaning dances, plays, &c.) during the 
existence of this constitution. I was not three weeks in Leiria, 
as I before stated, and I can solemnly declare that nothing like a 
play was performed during that time. 

So determined were they to persecute me, that they swore to 

R 



242 



Thirdly, will prove that, during a rebellion in 
the city of Oporto, in May last, by a military fac- 
tion against the legitimate government of his 
Royal Highness the King our Lord, Don Miguel 
the First, the prisoner having been some time in 
this city, left it to seduce his Majesty's faithful 
troops, the 22d regiment of infantry, at Rio 
Maior, whose quarters have been in Leiria for 
many years. 

Fourthly, will prove that the prisoner, disguised 
as a postilion, arrived at Rio Maior, and there 
spread, among the troops of the said regiment, 
terrifying news, saying that the 4th regiment of 
infantry, and the 8th cacadores had revolted 
against his Majesty's government, and that no 
troops had left this capital ; also of giving wine to 
the soldiers, and seducing them to join the rebels. 

Fifthly, will prove, and so far shews, that the 
prisoner had correspondence with the rebels, and 
was employed by them to persuade the troops to 

circumstances without giving themselves time to recollect what had 
actually taken place at the time. They supposed I should never 
have it in my power to shew their infamous conduct to the world. 
Indeed, my pen is extremely confined at present. I am restricted 
by circumstances which might affect others, from recording many 
facts, which, at a subsequent period, will be found well worthy the 
public attention . 



243 



join their party. He spread the said news among 
the 22d regiment of infantry, which news they 
soon found to be false, for on the same day the 
Royalist troops began to enter Rio Maior. 

Sixthly, will prove, that in this way, and by 
deeds practised by the prisoner, he should be 
condemned both civilly and criminally, as an 
example to others, and satisfaction to the offended 
laws. 

F. P. — E. C, as Promoter of Justice. 
Antonio Peixoto da Rocha, Clerk. 

Power of Attorney granted by William Young to 
Messrs. Dr. Garandella and Joao Jose Veris- 
simo. 

On the 28th July, 1828, in this city of 
Lisbon, in the gaol of the castle, where I, clerk, 
came, and the prisoner, William Young, being 
present, said that, in his cause and dependence, his 
attornies should be Doctor Domingos Francisco 
Garandella and Joao Jose Verissimo ; to each of 
whom he gives full and necessary power to peti- 
tion justice, appeal, and embargo, following the 
case to the highest court. 

This he said, and signed -Wiilliam Young. 

I, Antonio Peixoto da Rocha, wrote it. 
r 2 



244 



Authentic Copy of the Investigation, Criminal 
Facts, and Commitment of the Prisoner, William 
Young. 

1828. — Jurisdiction of Leiria. 

Copy of the Process against William Young, re- 
siding in this City of Leiria. — Clerk of the 
Police of that District. 

Process. 

In the year of our Lord Jesus Christ, 1828 
years, the 28th day of May of the same year, in 
this city of Leiria, and in the house of the cor- 
regidor of this district, Francisco Arraies de 
Vilhena, where I, notary public, came as 
clerk of the processes of the police of this city 
and district, and the said minister presented to 
me the official participation, in writing, ad- 
dressed to the Vice Rector of the University 
of Coimbra, which had been sent to him as a 
copy of the official letter from the Juis de 
Fora, magistrate of Obidas, dated 25th instant, 
to apprehend the prisoner, William Young, 
Englishman, resident in this city, ordering me 
to accept and note for the proceedings of the 



245 



process ; which, at sight, I accepted, and noted 
as follows :— 

Francisco de Almeida, Vidal, wrote it. 
Luis Franco de Almeida, Vidal. 
I immediately notified the prisoner, William 
Young, to appear, and see the witnesses sworn, 
and for all other necessary terms of this process ; 
I say the witnesses upon the investigation about 
to take place, and for all and every thing, 
until final sentence shall be given and ex- 
ecuted : to certify which, I gave the present, and 
signed it. 

Luis Franco de Almeida, Vidal, (g.) 
OfficiaL 

In consequence of a letter received from the 
Juis de Fora of Obidos, (a copy of which I in- 
close to you,) I apprehended the sujecto (sub- 
ject,) in question, who will be found in the gaol 

(g) The character of this man would be well worth publishing ; 
but I cannot, for obvious reasons, at present do so. He solemnly 
certifies that he " cited me to see the witnesses sworn, &c. on the 
28th of May." I was at that time in darkness, and saw no one 
but the jailer, and never saw the man who certifies to have cited 
me, until the 12th of June, when I was examined. The official 
article following, declares I was without communication when I 
was given over to the Vice Rector of Coimbra. 



246 

of this city, without communication ; of which I 
give you information, that you may dispose of 
the said prisoner as you may judge most con- 
venient. —God preserve you. 

Manoel Caitano Teixera Pinto, 

Brigadier, commanding the advance-guard* 
Head-quarters, Leiria, 26th May, 1828. 

To the illustrious Vice Rector of the 
University at Coimbra* 

Sent to the corregidor of the district, to pro- 
ceed according to justice. 

Vice-Rector» 

Leiria, May 28th, 1828. 

Official, 

Excellent Sir, 
For your Excellency's information, know that 
at this moment passed, armed and as postilion, 
a certain William, Englishman, of that city : 
there are just suspicions that he is a spy, and 
going with correspondence to the rebels. I beg 
your Excellency, for the good of our holy re- 
ligion, and the King our Lord, to give the most 



247 



prompt assistance for his apprehension. — God 
preserve your Excellency. 

Veriato Sertorio de Faria Blanc. 
Rio Maior, 26th May, 1828. 
To the illustrious and excellent Senor, Brigadier Ma 
noel Caitano Telvira Pinto, the Juis de For a of 
Obidos. (ft) 

(h) I have endeavoured to discover, since I first knew of the 
letter from the Juis de Fora of Obidos, how or why that man, a 
stranger to me, should endeavour to do me so much injury; he 
could scarcely have seen me at Rio Maior, as I only passed the end 
of the town ; I do not recollect ever seeing him but once, and that 
was at the bathing place called Nazareth, and then I did not speak 
with him : I can only account for it in the following manner. 

When I was at Nazareth, there was a priest staying there, 
an inhabitant from the neighbourhood of Obidos. I knew him 
only by occasionally meeting him at a card table. He appeared, 
from the tenor of his conversation, to be constitutional in his 
principles, but I soon found he was merely a casuist or Jesuit. 

Almost immediately on the establishment of Don Pedro's Con- 
stitution in Portugal, I had an argument with him on the subject, 
which almost terminated in a dispute, which was nearly to the 
following effect : — I was observing, that where I was residing when 
the Constitution arrived from Don Pedro, the people set their faces 
against it, but that I thought they would soon be convinced of its utility. 
The priest replied, " If they would scratch out the 4th article in 
the 8th title, and put another in its place, there might be a chance 
of its succeeding ; but that article is meant to destroy our holy 
religion." — The following is a translation of the article — 

" No one shall be persecuted for religious motives, while they 
respect that of the state, and do not offend the public morals.'' 

I told him I thought the article had nothing in it that would en- 
danger religion ; that on the contrary, people would be at full 



248 



State of the Proceedings. 

In the year of our Lord Jesus Christ, 182S 
years, on the 29th day of May of the said year, 
in this city of Leiria, and in the house of the cor- 
regidor of the district, Francisco Arraies de 

liberty to enjoy their own opinions on religious affairs. He said, 
"I see clearly you are a Freemason. Suppose one of my pa- 
rishioners did not come to confession, and I sent for him, might he 
riot look at the 4th article of the Constitution, and reply, £ I have 
neither offended the religion of the state, nor sinned against 
public morals ; my not confessing is only known to yourself, and 
your religion commands you not to publish another man's sins, 
therefore let me alone, and in future mind your own business.' " 

I told him I thought that was precisely the intent and meaning of 
the article. He then became violent and abusive, and said 
" Portugal is not England : we have not had Anne Boleyn here, 
but we have too many of her disciples, and I see you are one of 
them." I laughed at his talking of Anne Boleyn, when he got up 
and paced the room in a rage. 

The gentleman at whose house we were, observed there was 
certainly no harm in what had been said, and requested him to sit 
down again, telling him he was in the wrong. To this he replied, 
" You are a Freemason also;" and the party immediately broke up. 

I met him in two parties afterwards, but cautiously avoided any 
further conversation with him, beyond the intercourse of a game at 
cards. This pious priest was very fond of play, or I believe he 
would not have returned to the house again. The gentleman of the 
house I am speaking of, was in prison when I left Portugal. 

I can only account, in the way I have mentioned, for the letter 
received from the Juis de Fora of Obidos ; well knowing that 
every transaction which can be construed into the possibility of a 
political bearing is seized hold of by the priests and friars, and 
reported, with every ^exaggeration or misstatement of facts, to the 
superior clergy, and their corrupt tools, the provincial judges. 



249 



Vilhena, where I, notary public, came, I 
was informed by the said magistrate that he, 
not only by official participation from the Juis 
de Fora of Obidas, but by many other persons, 
was informed that the prisoner, William Young, 
Englishman, resident in this city, has shewn 
himself at all times to be an exalted Republican, 
being reputed as a Mason, and generally reputed 
to be Freemason, (i) and now accustomed to be a 
spy and carrier of news to the rebels, distributing 
terrifying news, as he did coming from Lisbon : 
arriving at Rio Maior, he told the soldiers and 
officers of the 22d, that no troops were coming 
from Lisbon, the 4th infantry and 8th cacadores 
having rebelled ; which they found to be false the 

(i) The extreme ignorance of the inferior classes in Portugal 
may be judged of by the statement of this man he had not 
the most distant idea of what a Freemason meant. He had in 
all probability been told by some priest or friar, almost as ignorant 
as himself, that there were such persons as Freemasons or Repub- 
licans ; but the phrase made use of by the witness proved that he 
knew no distinction between a Mason and a Freemason, As I pre- 
viously remarked, such is the dreadful state of tyranny at present 
exercised in Portugal, under the sanction of the despot Miguel, and 
through the all-pervading influence of the priests, that any man, 
whatever may be his rank or general character for integrity, who 
makes any remark at variance with the wishes or the interests of 
priestcraft, is immediately denounced as a Freemason, Republican, 
or Spy ; and hurried off to prison without the possibility of being 
heard in his own justification. 



250 

came day, not only by a postilion who came 
after him, and gave the news that the troops from 
Lisbon were near, but, on that same day, and 
the next, the regiments (16th infantry and the 
aforesaid caeadores, 7th cavalry, and 1st artillery) 
came marching towards the city of Leiria ; and, 
besides this, it was known that he gave wine, at 
Rio Maior, to some recruits of the 22d regiment, 
and told them not to go to Lisbon, where they 
were going, but, in preference, to go to Coimbra, 
shewing, at the same time, great satisfaction for 
the rebellion in Oporto : for all which he deserves 
punishment. He then determined I should pre- 
pare the present process to take evidence against 
him, and ordered me to give the necessary in- 
structions, which I promised to do accordingly ; 
all which I have here noted, and the said minister 
signed with me and Luis Franco de Almeida, 
Vidal, Arrais, Luis Franco de Almeida, Vidal. 

Pronunciation, 
ordering the Imprisonment and Trial of William 
Young, Englishman. 

The clerk will prepare the process to be re- 
mitted with the prisoner to the intendant of police. 

Francisco Arrias de Vilhena. 

Leiria, 2d June, 1828. 



251 



The aforesaid did not contain any thing further. 
I had it copied from the original, and compared 
it, with the assistance of another officer of justice, 
who, agreeing with me in rinding all correct, and 
referring to the original, we signed, and I pre- 
pared this. 

Given in this city of Lisbon, and made in the 
same, the 28th day of July, in the year of our 
Lord, 1828. 

I, Antonio Peixoto da Rocha wrote, and 
signed it, Antonio Peixoto da Rocha. Arranged 
by me, Antonio Peixote da Rocha, and with 
me, Sebastian Jose Villaca de Gama. 

I continued sight of the process to the pri- 
soner's attorney, (k) 

Antoxio Peixoto da Rocha. 

To Dr. Domingos Manoel Garandella. 

28th July, 1828. 

Two audiences. 

(k) The Portuguese law requires that I should have been cited 
and been present to see the witnesses sworn. That, however, not 
having been the case, I could have argued the incorrectness of their 
proceedings, and proved them to have been extra-judicial; but 
such a course would have been attended with great expense and 
delay; besides, his Majesty's justice being my prosecutor, I thought 
it more prudent to own their jurisdiction, and then offer evidence 
against them. The party accused has the privilege, though it is of 
little avail on his trial, of exposing or even abusing the character of 



252 



DEFENCE OFFERED IN AUDIENCE. 

Ordered to be received. 

21st July, 1828, in this city of Lisbon, in 
audience given by the Counsellor British Judge 

the witness when undergoing examination previous to giving evi- 
dence. When this takes place, all leave the room but the inquisitor 
and the escrivao : the magistrate or judge should be there, 
but that is seldom the case ; it is usually left to the clerk and in- 
quisitor, and they put down or word the evidence according to their 
own judgment. 

In all political cases, lit tie good can be expected, except 
through strong interest ; but in all ordinary matters, money gene- 
rally proves the dictator of justice. Such are the absurd formali- 
ties in these courts of justice, that I was obliged to forward a 
petition, requesting leave to renounce the remainder of the twenty 
days allowed me, or I should not have been able to proceed on 
my trial after giving my evidence, until the end of the twenty days; 
and it was considered by the court as a great favour to be permitted 
to renounce it. Such is the law of Portugal under a despotic 
government ! 

I cannot avoid giving a short anecdote in order to explain how 
the law stands as to a man's claiming or giving up his right; he 
will be allowed to give it up if they get by it, and he will be allowed 
to claim it if they get by it, but if not, neither will be allowed. 

A gentleman with whom I was well acquainted in Leiria, went 
home one night rather late, and his servant not being at home as 
he ought to have been, he knocked and made a noise, but could not 
get admittance. At last, becoming enraged, he got a large stone 
and broke the door open. 

Just as this was going on, the rondo (patrol) came by, and 
asked what was the uproar? He told them the cause, and they 
bid him a good night. 



253 



Conservator, and Joao Jose Verissimo, the 
prisoner's attorney, for presenting the process 
with the defence and passport, as follows, beg- 
ging them to be joined with the crime ; for the 
reception of which the said minister agreed to 
and ordered, an4 I here noted the same. 

Antonio Peixoto da Rocha, Clerk. 
The Defence of the Prisoner William Young, 

First, will prove that the prisoner has resided 
fourteen years in the city of Leiria, married, 
living with his family, which is of the Roman 
Catholic religion, to which he has always paid 
due respect, and without being pointed at as a 
Freemason or enemy to monarchical government. 

Next day the magistrate ordered a devaca (an investigation) , con • 
cerning the disturbance, in the neighbourhood ; and the gentleman 
was found guilty of breaking his own door open ! 

He went to the magistrate and told him that he had been obliged 
to break his door open, and that no one had any thing to do with 
it but himself. The magistrate told him that the law ordered 
investigations to be taken on all such cases, and " justice must be 
done." He might, if he chose, make a petition, begging that the 
said devaca should be closed before the end of thirty days, and 
without taking thirty witnesses, which is the law in such cases, and 
confessing at the same time that he had violated the law." All 
which conditions he subscribed to ; and as a great favour, the inves- 
tigation was suspended by paying the costs, which amounted to 
nearly three pounds sterling ! Had his servant broken open the 
door, who was not worth three shillings, there would have been no 
investigation about it. 



254 



Secondly, will prove that, in the year 1817, 
various persons fond of theatrical amusements, 
established a theatre in Leiria, in which the 
prisoner joined them; and from that period, from 
time to time, many performances took place, as 
well before as after the Constitutional time. 

Thirdly, will prove that, even supposing there 
had been any impropriety in the aforesaid thea- 
trical institution in the city of Leiria, the inha- 
bitants joined in them, and the prisoner was not 
the only one in these amusements, nor did he 
give these entertainments in his own house. 

Fourthly, will prove that, having come to 
Lisbon in the month of March in the present 
year, he left it on the 24th of May, with a regu- 
lar passport, to spend the Whitsuntide holidays 
with his family. 

Fifthly, will prove that the prisoner embarked 
at the Quay de Santarem of this city, and disem- 
barked at Carregado, where he slept one night 
in a hut, and next morning, mounted on a mule, 
with only a pack-saddle, and no stirrups, to pur- 
sue his journey, there being no other animal for 
hire. The prisoner, soon after, overtook, on the 
road, a muleteer with a mule, and a militiaman 



255 



S & 
as s 



^ O r-H 

111 




PS 
O 

S 
W 
FH 

S3 
»— i 

W 

H 

P3 
O 
En 

FH 
P3 
O 
Ph 

2 



o 9 
§ I 

S S3 

«> g . 

M O 

o rS tS 
p 

« Cm O 

"js m 

c° 8 
-11 

Q> CS M* 

3 Cm 

MC O 

^ S g 

o oj 

o 



-3 

1 a; 

I" 



2 S 

V o 
o -a 

is-- 

O T3 

« S'i 
;2 * ' 



g QJ 

o '33 

■i 9 

O u- 

*? o 

•3 s 

M 

S 2e 
<2 1 8 

g.l.S 

«c£ a 

" s"-3 



8.M 
p* . 



.a -8 3 



II 



.3 Ji ^ G 



§ a 

"5 *» ^ 

3 o 0) 



0) 

1 



in 

% S 

."S3 

£<2 



. a. o a 



qj y 

S 03 

« 00 

s a 2 



QJ _ 

-5 9 



£ 5 
o 

bp £ 



ens 

S ^3 

O «3 
W 09 
T3 .2 



I 

cm 

o 

f 



m 
9 

H 

En 
< 

< 

w 





o 
w 

pq 

la 

-5 x 

Cm H 

O ^ 

<5 
P 
Q 



CO 



rG 

^ « o 



a "3 ^ J 

03 CJ O 
W i-2 QJ 

S g § iS 

. 2 J, h 

2 s « 1 



256 

and two animals (a horse and a mule) : the latter 
lent the prisoner a pair of stirrups. 

Sixthly, will prove that, on arriving at the 
estalagem (the inn) at Alcoentre, he made an 
exchange with the muleteer, his mule affording 
better accommodation, and continued his journey. 

Seventhly, will prove that, at Alto da Serra, 
half a league distant from Rio Maior, he met the 
22nd regiment of infantry coming to Lisbon, and 
knowing a great many of them by their having 
been many years in Leiria, many of the officers 
and soldiers asked the prisoner the news of Lis- 
bon, and if the troops had marched upwards. The 
prisoner answered, when he left Lisbon no troops 
had marched, (which was the truth,) and no per- 
son, except some determined enemy to the pri- 
soner, could have sworn he said otherwise, or that 
he said a word against his Majesty Don Miguel 
the First. 

Eighthly, will prove, that the prisoner, meeting 
with two soldiers, who had often worked for him 
on his ground, he offered them wine, and they 
drank two pints publicly ; the prisoner did not 
tell them, or any other persons, to leave the road 
to honour. 

Ninthly, will prove, that the prisoner was 



257 

apprehended in his own house (and not on the 
road), unsuspectingly enjoying the company of 
his family, from whom he had been absent some 
time. 

Tenthly, will prove, that the prisoner had no 
connection with the rebels, nor can that be shewn 
by evidence. 

Eleventhly, will prove, that the present crime 
could only be fabricated by his enemies in Leiria, 
such as Joze Pereira da Silva, and his brother 
Joao Pereira da Silva : the former, a petty shop- 
keeper, and the other, without any known mode 
of getting his living. 

Twelfthly, will prove, that by the aforesaid, 
and according to law, he ought to be acquitted of 
the false accusation alleged against him, and 
with full power to proceed against the wit- 
nesses. 

I concluded this. 

Antonia Peixoto da Rocha, Clerk. 
Defence (page — ) and crime attached. 

Order. 

Received and to proceed. 

Silva Leitao, 



258 

The above order was published in audience at 
the court, 4th August, 1828. 

I, Antonio Peixoto da Rocha, wrote it. 

To make the witnesses for the prisoner judicial, 
I cited William Young in the gaol of the castle, 
which I certify. Lisbon, 4th July 1828. 

I Antonio Peixoto. 

The prisoner, William Young, requires, that in 
his defence against the crime of which justice is 
the author, he shall be allowed, in the first term, 
twenty days to give in his proof. 

In Audience, Ordered the first Term for "proof. 

The 4th of August, 1828, in this city of Lisbon, 
in audience, given by the Counsellor British 
Judge Conservator* as required by the prisoner's 
attorney, and being informed of the state of the 
process, the said minister ordered the case to be 
proved, the first term to be twenty days, and 
ordered it to begin at the citation of the parties, 
or their attorneys. 

I, Antonio Peixoto da Rocha, wrote this. 



259 



The Tains made Judicial, by the prisoner, William 
Young. 

On the 5th August, 1828, in this city of Lis- 
bon, and in the gaol of the castle, where I, clerk, 
came, the prisoner, William Young, being present, 
said, he agreed that the witnesses forming the 
crime should be judicial, as though he had been 
cited to see them sworn, and protests he does not 
approve of them, and will prove them false. I 
made this note and signed it. 

Antonio Peixoto da Rocha. 
William Young. 

I cited William Young, in the gaol of the 
castle, to produce witness, which I here certify. 

Antonio Peixoto da Rocha. 
Lisbon, 5th August, 1828. 

The following petition, presented on the 13th of 
August, 1828, by the said clerk. 

Petition. (I) 
William Young saith, that in his defence against 

(l) In this petition I required the evidence to be open and public ; 
had I not petitioned for that, the evidence would have been sealed 

S 2 



260 

justice, he has produced his witnesses, and to 
avoid delay, requires you will renounce the rest 
of the term of twenty days, ordering the interroga- 
tion(10) to begin open and public, and to continue 
sight to the conclusion of the case, joining the cer- 
tificate of his having no other crime. 

And will ever pray. 



Order. 

Note the time required, and continue the pro- 
cess to its conclusion, giving a certificate of no 
further crime. 

Silva Leitao. 



Certificate renouncing the remainder of the Term of 
Twenty Days. 

The 13th August, 1828, in this city of Lisbon, 
and in the gaol of the castle, where I, clerk, 
came, and William Young being present, said he 
renounced the term of twenty days for his defence, 

up, and not seen by me or my prosecutor until the end of the trial. 
Being open and public, therefore, merely means they shall not be 
sealed up, and that the prisoner's attorney, or the prosecutor's, may 
see what has been said at any time, as may be required. 



261 

according to his petition. All which I here note 
and sign. 

Antonio Peixoto da Rocha, 
William Young. 

Petition. 

William Young, British subject, prisoner in 
the gaol of the castle, saith, that he requires a 
certificate from this court of there being no further 
crime against him, begging you will be pleased 
to cause the same to be executed, 

And will ever pray. 

Order. 
According to justice. 

Silva Leitao. 

Order for the Certificate. 

Doctor Antonio Thomas de Silva Leitao, one of 
his Majesty's Council, Commander of the Order 
of Christ, British Judge Conservator in this city 
of Lisbon, &c. do order, that the clerks of this 
court, shall answer as to what crimes there may 
be against William Young, one of his Britannic 
Majesty's subjects, prisoner in the gaol of the 



262 

castle, aged forty-four years, there being no 
crime to declare the same. 

I, Antonio Peixoto da Rocha, wrote this. 
Lisbon, 2d August, 1828. 
Charge, 40 reis. 

Silva Leitao. 

The Clerk's Answers. 

Nothing against the petitioner. — Lisbon, 
4th August, 1828. Vianna. 

Nothing in my office. — Lisbon ,6th August, 1828. 

Goncalves. 
Nothing against the above-named. 

Lourido. 

Nothing against the above. 

Lial. 

Nothing in the office of which I am clerk 

(Seal.) 

I have the crime against which the prisoner is 
defending himself. 

Peixoto. 

In this Conservatory there are only six clerks 
and we have answered as required. — Lisbon, 
6th August, 1828, 

Antonio Peixoto da Rocha. 



263 



Authentic Copy of the Evidence taken against the 
Prisoner William Young. 

On the 7th day of June, in the city of Leiria, 
and in the house of the corregidor of the district, 
Francisco Arrais de Vilhena, where I, notary 
public, came, and by the same magistrate, with 
me, were interrogated the following witnesses, all 
which I noted. 

Luis Franco de Almeida, VidaL 

First Witness. — Jose Maria Baptista, second 
serjeant in the first company of fusiliers of the 
22nd regiment, lying in the city of Leiria. The 
witness being sworn on the Holy Evangelists, pro- 
mised to speak the truth, and said he was thirty-six 
years of age, and, according to custom, (jn) 

(m) This man could know but little of me ; I do not know him ; 
he recently joined the 22d regiment. He swears that his regiment 
being at Rio Maior, which is false. I met them on the march, as I 
have before stated, half a league (more than two miles) distant from 
Rio Maior. He swears that the same day he saw me, the 16th 
regiment arrived at Rio Maior ; an impossibility, for that was the 
day they marched from Lisbon, and the distance is more than forty 
English miles, a bad road, and it was hotter weather than usual. 
The route from Lisbon to Rio Maior is four days. As to the expres- 
sion [and, according to custom, he said nothing) it will appear an 
odd one ; but they are words used for form sake, and imply that after 
a witness has stated his profession, age, &c. he says no more with- 
out being further interrogated. 



264 

said nothing. On being interrogated according to 
that alleged against the prisoner, Willliam Young, 
resident in the city of Leiria, said he knew, by- 
its being public, that the prisoner at all times 
shewed himself to be an exalted Republican, and 
with great adhesion to the Constitutional system, 
and at present he was a spy to the rebels, send- 
ing them accounts of what is going on in this 
city : and this he knew by seeing that his regiment 
being lately in Rio Maior in direction for Lisbon, 
the prisoner was coming to this city, mounted, 
and meeting with Captain Aparicia, who asked 
the prisoner the news of Lisbon, he answered, 
there was no news whatever, only that the eighth 
battalion of cacadores, and the fourth regiment 
of infantry, had revolted againsthis Serene Majesty 
Don Miguel the First, and that the other corps in 
Lisbon, were on guard over them, and that no 
troops were coming from Lisbon upwards ; which 
was false, for that soon after, and the same day, 
there came to Rio Maior the sixteenth regiment, 
in company with which the witness's regiment 
marched to this city of Leiria, the seventh 
cavalry, eighth cacadores, and first artillery, fol- 
lowed them ; and that the prisoner, on these 
occasions, shewed great satisfaction and content- 



265 



ment, spreading the above, and other news of the 
same nature, which has been found to be false ; and 
said no more, and signed with the said magistrate's, 
and 

I, Luis Franco de Almeida, Vidal, wrote it. 
Arrals, Jose Maria Baptist a, second serjeant. 

Second Witness. — Manoel Mosso, corporal of the 
first company of fusiliers, in the 22d regiment. 
The witness being sworn on the Holy Evangelists, 
promised to tell the truth, and that his age was 
twenty-seven years, and, according to custom, said 
nothing. Being interrogated as to the conduct of 
the prisoner, William Young, Englishman, residing 
in this city, said that he knew, by hearing it said, 
and its being public in that city, that he was an 
enormous Constitutional, and vulgarly called a 
Freemason ; that he knew, by seeing, when his 
regiment was in Rio Maior, a short time back, in 
direction for Lisbon, the prisoner was coming to 
this city, mounted, and the witness coming near 

(n) The corporal swears he saw me at Rio Maior, and that the 
several regiments arrived that same day, soon after he saw me. It 
is true they marched from Lisbon on that day, 25th May, but did 
not arrive at Rio Maior in less than three days : the first evidence 
says only the 16th regiment arrived, and accompanied his regiment 
to Leiria; but the corporal says, and it is true, when they did 
arrive they all came to Leiria together. 



266 



him, with other persons, and asking him if there 
was any news, that they had heard there were a 
great many troops coming from Lisbon, he an- 
swered, it was no such thing, that a regiment of 
infantry and cacadores had rebelled, and that the 
other troops were on guard over them, which was 
false ; for soon after, on the same day, there 
arrived at Rio Maior, the 16th regiment of infan- 
try, 7th cavalry, 1st artillery, and 8th cacadores, 
all of whom accompanied the witness's regiment 
to Leiria. And he further knew, by hearing two 
recruits say it, that on the same occasion the pri- 
soner had given them a great deal of wine, and 
told them they were fools in going to Lisbon, that 
they had better go upwards. He said no more, 
and signed with the said magistrate, after this 
being read to him, and he found it correct. And 

I, Luis Franco de Almeida, Vidal, wrote it. 

Arrias, Man o el txj Mosso. 

Third Witness. — Antonio dos Santos Ferrira 
first serjeant in the first company of fusiliers, 
22d regiment of infantry, resident in this city (o). 

(o) This witness at first tells the truth, when he says they met 
me on the march ; but if that were the case, how could he see me 
speak with the corporal in Rio Maior ? he gives the lie to the other 
two witnesses, by saying, that on the day after he saw me, his 
regiment met the troops from Lisbon. 



267 

The witness being sworn on the Holy Evangelists, 
promised to tell the truth, and said he was thirty 4 wo 
years of age, and, according to custom, said no- 
thing. On being interrogated as to the conduct 
of the prisoner, William Young, Englishman, re- 
siding in this city, said that he, knowing the said 
William Young, and having observed his conduct, 
that he was very fond of the factious party, called 
Constitutionals, and, since the rebellion at Oporto, 
he has shewn great satisfaction, and came from 
Lisbon, spreading false and terrifying news, which 
he, the witness, heard ; for when on the march for 
Lisbon, with his regiment, and the said prisoner 
coming to this city of Leiria, he observed the cor- 
poral before-mentioned, asking him if there were 
any troops coming from Lisbon : to which he 
answered, that none were coming, or could come, 
because the battalion of cacadores, No. 8, and the 
regiment of infantry, No. 4, had revolted ; ex- 
pressing thereby great satisfaction, and which was 
afterwards proved to be false; inasmuch as on the 
following day his regiment met with that num- 
bered 16, with the above-mentioned battalion, and 
with the regiment of cavalry, No. 7, and artillery, 
No. 1 ; and, further, this news was proved false, 
by a postilion, that followed closely to the said 



268 



William, who said that a great many troops were 
coming from Lisbon, and that it was those already 
mentioned ; and further he did not depose ; and 
signed with the said magistrate. And I, 
Luis Franco de Almeida, Vidal, wrote this. 

Arrias, Antonio dos Santos Ferrira. 

Noted. 

On the 12th June, 1828, in this city of Leiria, 
at the house and residence of the corregidor of 
this district, Francisco Arrais de Vilhena, where 
I, notary public, was present, together with the 
said magistrate, the following witnesses were 
examined as herein mentioned. 

I, Luis Franco de Almeida, Vidal, 
took the deposition. 
Fourth Witness.— Joao Pireira da Silva, (p) sub- 

( p ) This man says 1 was the first who gave the news in Leiria, 
saying, I heard it from Oporto. 

When King John the VI. went on board his Majesty's ship, the 
Windsor Castle, then lying in the Tagus, he suddenly sent Don 
Miguel out of the country, and the news arrived at Leiria by post in 
the Gazette, twenty hours after the circumstance took place. 

How could I hear it from Oporto, when the intelligence could 
only reach that place two days after it was publicly known in 
Leiria. I can safely say, I did not see the man who swears to the 
above on the day that news arrived. It was news of great impor- 
tance to the liberal part of Portugal, and seemed to dissipate a 
cloud from which a dreadful storm was expected ; but clouds often 
return, and so did the monster. 



269 

sists by his ways and means, resident in this city. 
Being sworn on the Holy Evangelists, promised 
to tell the truth, said that he was twenty-five 
years of age, and, according to custom, said 
nothing. And being interrogated according to 
the process, said, that he knew, from having heard 
it said, and being notorious, that the prisoner, 
William Young, was always known in this city 
to be a violent Republican and Freemason ; and 
that he, witness, heard him say, full of satisfac- 
tion on the occasion of Don Miguel's embarka- 
tion, " Well, there goes the young fellow," he 
being the first person that published it here, 
saying, " that he knew it from Oporto, and that 
on that very day they would know it there from 
Lisbon," which did so happen; and from that 
period, by this fact, the witness continued in the 
bad opinion he had already formed of the pri- 
soner ; and that, in the following Constitution, he 
was the first to be seen in all amusements prac- 
tised on that occasion, such as dances, plays, 
and other things analogous to the cause, in- 
fluencing the inhabitants of the city to join or 
imitate him ; and that he, witness, heard it said, 
that he had circulated alarming news when com- 
ing from Lisbon, saying, that from that capital or 



270 



city no troops would come, because the 4th 
regiment of infantry and 8th cacadores had re- 
volted and joined the rebel party ; which was 
soon contradicted, not only by the arrival of a 
postilion, but also, on that very day, and on the 
following, by the arrival of the regiments, 16th 
infantry, the aforesaid cacadores, cavalry, No. 7, 
and artillery, No. 1, and the regiment, No. 22 ; 
and that from his window he told people not to 
be afraid, because no troops would come from 
Lisbon. And further he did not depose. And 
signed it with the said magistrate, after its being 
read, and he found it correct. 

I, Luis Franco de Almeida, Vidal, wrote it. 
Arrais, Joao Pireira da Silva. 

Fifth Witness. — JosePereira da Silva, merchant, 
residing in this city, (q) sworn witness on the 

(q) Lieutenant Manrique, who, it appears, told this man what to 
say, or at least allowed him to make use of his name, was most 
probably ashamed to swear falsely himself against me. I was once 
civil to him ; but it was before I knew his real character : he was 
one who publicly offered himself to Don Miguel, in person, to be 
the executioner of those sent to Peniche on the 30th of April, 
1824. 

The last two witnesses against me, are both men whom I have 
obliged, particularly the latter. It is not long since I lent him 
money in Oporto, to finish paying for a quantity of flax, that he 
might depart the quicker for Leiria, where he keeps a small shop. 
The other is his brother, a vagabond, who, a few years back, robbed 



271 



Holy Evangelists, promised to tell the truth, said 
that he was thirty years of age, and, according to 
custom, said no more. On being interrogated 
according to the process, he said that he knew 
the prisoner, William Young, an Englishman, and 
knew, by seeing him, and from it being public and 
notorious in this city, that he was always known 
to be a violent Republican, and generally reputed 
a Freemason, which is proved by feats he prac- 
tised, such as inventing dances, plays, and other 
amusements, by which he shewed a strong at- 
tachment to the Constitutional system ; and that 
he heard Lieutenant Manrique, of the 22nd 
regiment, say, that the prisoner, immediately he 
had met with the said 22nd regiment, coming from 
Lisbon, gave to the soldiers and non-commis- 

his father, and was turned out a beggar upon the world. These 
two men have been witnesses in every process, and against every 
person who has been prosecuted in Leiria. My process was the 
first : they are paid by the Vice-rector of Coimbra, and I have no 
doubt but their depositions are made out without their being near 
the place in many cases, and they go and sign them at their 
leisure, and as a matter of course. 

The same proceedings take place in Lisbon. A set of vagabonds 
are continually going round to the different offices (like the Jew 
bail gentry in England) inquiring if there is any thing to do ? And 
it is notorious that the same set of fellows serve as witnesses in 
hundreds of different trials, and make use of the same words in 
almost every different process which passes through the courts 
of law. 



272 



sioned officers wine, telling them that no troops 
would come from Lisbon, that the 4th regiment 
of infantry and 8th cacadores had revolted in 
favour of the rebels at Oporto, and that they 
ought to follow their example, all which was 
not true. And further he did not depose ; and 
signed it with the said magistrate, and after it 
being read to him by me, and finding it correct. 

I, Luis Franco de Almeida, Vidal, wrote it. 

Arrais, Jose Pereira da Silva. 

Sixth Witness.— Anna Joaquima, wife of Manoel 
Jacinth o Dias, shoemaker, residing in this city, (r) 
being sworn on the Holy Evangelists, promised 
to tell the truth, and said that she was forty years 
of age, and, according to custom, said nothing. 
On being interrogated according to the process, 
said, that she knew the prisoner, William Young, 
an Englishman, and knew, seeing him personally 
when he arrived from Lisbon, and hearing him 
say publicly from his window, not to be afraid, 

(r) This woman was a neighbour of mine ; and I have some reason 
to suppose, when she was called as an evidence against me, that she 
told the truth ; which was, when I arrived, on the morning of the 
25th of May, at my house, she was standing at the one opposite, 
which is where she lived, and congratulated me on my arrival, 
asking me the news ; I told her I heard that Don Miguel was 
coming up the country, and nothing more passed between us. As 
she could not read, they put down what they pleased. I cannot say 
more at present on this subject. 



2/3 

that no troops would come from Lisbon, and that 

within fifteen days all would be settled ; but that 

was soon found to be false, for that on the next 

day arrived here the 16th and 22nd regiments, 

1st of artillery, and 8th caeadores, which he must 

have met on the road ; and further said, at the 

same time, that his Serene Highness Don Miguel, 

was in fact coming up the country. And further 

she did not depose. And only the magistrate 

signed, the witness not knowing how to write. 

The deposition being read to her, she found it 

correct. And I, 

Luis Franco de Almeida, Vidal, wrote it. 
Francisco Antonio de Vilhena. 

Nothing further is contained in the said inter 
rogation of witnesses, respecting the process 
against the prisoner, William Young, which was 
copied from the original, compared, examined, 
and corrected by me and another officer of jus- 
tice ; and being conformable to the same, we 
witness and certify, having corrected and signed 
it.— Lisbon, 28th of July, 1828. I Antonio 
Peixoto da Rocha, corrected and signed. 

Antonio Peixoto da Rocha, Clerk in Court. 
And with me, 

Sebastian Jose Villaca da Garna> 
also Clerk in Court. 



274 



Copy of Questions put to the Prisoner, 
William Young. 

Process of questions put to the prisoner, as here 
under mentioned, (s) 

In the year of our Lord Jesus Christ, 1828, 
the 12th day of June in the said year, in this 
city of Leiria, and in the prison house of the 
same, where I, notary public, was present, and 
the magistrate, Dr. Francisco Rodrigues Malheiros 
Trancozo, Souto Mayor, of Villa da Figueira, late 
civil magistrate of Vianna, in Alemtejo, by com- 
mission from the corregidor of this district, 
Francisco Arrais de Vilhena, and being present a 

(s) These questions and answers are not at all corresponding with 
the examination I underwent, and which I wrote down immediately 
after leaving the room in which I was examined. They have 
patched them up in quite a different way ; I never mentioned the 
underwriters to them, nor that I was travelling about continually. 
This they have added, to make it appear that I was travelling as a 
spy ; they have always known I was on the British half-pay. They 
say, that when taken, I told them I was accused of travelling as 
a spy from town to town, and the reader will see, by the said 
letter, that even had I heard it ever so distinctly read, I could not 
have mentioned what was not in it. The two notaries public are 
unworthy of notice, but they live in Leiria. 



275 

notary public, my companion, the said commis- 
sioner put the following questions to the prisoner, 
and after swearing him on the Holy Evangelists, 
as respecting the third person, he having sworn, 
promised to obey, as follows : 

He was asked what was his name, age and 
occupation, and where he lived ? 

He answered, William Young, native of Lon- 
don, and resident in this city of Leiria, since the 
year 1814, at present transacting business for 
the underwriters at Lloyd's, in some law suits 
concerning them in this country, and receiving- 
half pay as an officer in the British army ; and 
that he is allowed by his government to reside in 
Portugal, and that by these means, and no other, 
he supports himself ; that he has been married in 
this city eighteen years, and is forty-four years of 
age. 

He was asked if he knew, or suspected the 
reason of his imprisonment, and when and where 
he was taken prisoner ? 

He answered, he was taken prisoner by a major 
of brigade, named Poiva Raposa, who, when he 
was taking him, read a letter to him, in which he 
was classed as a traveller and distributor of news, 
going about armed as a postilion, from town to 

t 2 



276 

town, for that purpose, and for the benefit of the 
rebel cause, and that he was taken in his own 
house, about eighteen days since. 

He farther asked him, why he shewed himself 
at all times so fond of a Constitution, and that 
so publicly in this city, by which he became 
singular, and generally created an opinion that 
he was a Republican and Freemason ? 

He answered, that in the time of the Consti- 
tution, he was Constitutional, in obedience to the 
government ; and that it was true in the Consti- 
tution he had exceeded in playing at festivals 
with other persons of this city ; and as to the 
public opinion with respect to the accusation of 
his being a Mason and a Republican, he has no 
doubt but that might be produced by his being a 
native of a free country, in which all persons are 
naturally inclined to love Constitutional prin- 
ciples 5 and that after the arrival of the last Con- 
stitution, he had been a long time in the city of 
Lisbon, and four months in England ; returned 
last April, and only remained eight days ; has 
been continually travelling, without remaining 
long in the different towns in the kingdom or out 
of it. 

He farther asked him if he had been recently to 



277 

Lisbon, when, and how long he remained there, 
what towns he came through in coming from 
thence, and what news he brought and gave 
to different individuals with whom he conversed 
on his journey ? 

He answered, he went to Lisbon in the month 
of March in the present year, and that he went to 
do some business for the underwriters, and re- 
turning to this city, passed through Rio Maior, 
where he met the twenty-second regiment, and 
spoke to some of the officers and soldiers of the 
said regiment, who asked him the news ; he told 
them he had heard it said in the city of Lisbon, 
that the officers of the eighth cacadores were all 
made prisoners, that they had rebelled against 
Don Miguel, and that no troops had left Lisbon ; 
and in the act of saying this, gave wine to some 
soldiers, saying, " Good luck to you/' and when 
he arrived at this city, and had been in prison three 
days, the eighth cacadores, sixteenth and twenty- 
second regiments of infantry and cavalry, and 
first artillery arrived there. 

And further he asked him, for what reason did 
he come from Lisbon as a postilion, imitating a 
courier or post, and armed ? 

The defendant answered, it was true that in 
Alcoentre he had mounted a mule with bells 



278 

belonging to a postilion who had been to Lisbon 
with a letter from the vice-rector of the University 
of Coimbra, and that on the same animal he 
entered this city ; but that on this occasion he did 
not carry arms of any description, having left 
two pistols in his portmanteau. 

And according to this the questions were con- 
cluded, and read — he said he approved of them, 
and ratified them in the form they are wrote ; to 
which declaration we certify. And the said 
commissioner ordered the certificate to be made, 
and we all signeda 

Luis Franco de Almeida, Vidal. 

Guilherme Young. 

SlMAO DE BASTOS TeIXEIRA. 

Nothing more was contained in the said 
questions, which I caused to be copied from the 
original, which I compared and arranged with 
another officer of justice, and finding it correct we 
refer to it. Made and given in Lisbon, on the 
28th day of July, 1828, and I Antonio Peixoto da 
Rocha, signed and corrected it. 

Antonio Peixoto da Rocha, 

Arranged by me, 

Antonio Peixoto da Rocha, 

And with me, 

Sebastian Jose Vellaca da Gama, Clerk. 



279 



Interrogatories for the Prisoner, William Young. 
[Examination of Witnesses.] 

On the 6th day of August 1828, in this city of 
Lisbon, and in my office, by the inquisitor of this 
court, the following witnesses were interrogated, 
produced on the part of the prisoner, which I here 
note. 

I, Antonio Peixoto da Rocha, wrote this. 

First Witness — Manoel Jose Fernandes e Silva 
Cavalheiro, professor in the Order of Christ, 
merchant in this city, residing in Rua de St. 
Francisco da Paula, in the parish of Merces, 
aged fifty-four years, sworn on the Holy Evan- 
gelists, and, according to custom, said nothing. 

Defence, page — . 

Being interrogated on the first article, said he 
knew the prisoner for several years, and knew he 
resided in Leiria with his family ; and having often 
conversed with him in this city, and sometimes on 
politics, he the witness being, as is well known, a 
Royalist, he always found that he did not appear 
to be against such form of government, and never 
heard him say any thing against Don Miguel the 
First, our King. 



280 

The witness said no more on the second or 
third articles of accusation against the prisoner. 

To the fourth article, the witness stated, that on 
the Saturday before Whit-Sunday, he spoke to the 
prisoner, who told him he was going to embark 
for Leiria, to spend the holidays with his family, 
and that he should soon return to this city. That 
afterward he heard the prisoner had embarked, 
and he had no more to state. He then finally 
signed. 

Manoel Jose Fernades e Silva, 
Martinho de St, Anna do Vale Aguia. 

Second Witness*— -Manoel Joze Dos Santos, na- 
val officer of mercantile vessels, residing in Riu 
do Almada, in the parish of St. Catherine, aged 
forty-two years, sworn on the Holy Evangelists, 
and, according to custom, said nothing. 

Defence, page — . 

Being interrogated on the first article, said he 
knew the prisoner, William Young, and knew him 
to be a quiet person ; and among the many times 
he had conversed with him, he never heard him 
speak of the government ; and that on the eve of 
the Whitsuntide holidays, the witness accompa- 



281 



nied the prisoner to the police office to procure a 
passport, and on the same day accompanied him 
to the Quayde Santarem, where he embarked, say- 
ing at the same time he had business at Santarem, 
but that he had heard there were disturbances 
there, and he would not wish to be amongst them, 
he should go direct to Leiria. And said no more 
unto the end, having said all he knew, and signed 
with the inquisitor. 

I, Antonio Peixoto da Rocha, wrote it. 

Manoel Joze Dos Santos, 

Martinho de Santana do Vale Aguia. 

Third Witness. — John M'Kean, British mer- 
chant, residing in Rua de St. Caitano, in Buenos 
Ayres, in the parish of Nossa Senhora de Lapa, 
aged fifty-nine years, sworn on the Holy Evange- 
lists, and, according to custom, said nothing. 

Defence, page — . 

Being interrogated on the first article, said that 
he knew the prisoner William Young, with whom 
he has often conversed, and never observed him 
to meddle with politics, being always quietly in- 
clined and well conducted. The witness said ha 
more on this, nor the second or third charges. 



282 

To the fourth, he said, that in the month of May 
in the present year, about the Whitsuntide holi- 
days, he met the prisoner, who told him he was 
going home to Leiria. He said no more until the 
end, and signed with the inquisitor. 

I, Antonio Peixoto da Rocha, wrote this. 

John M'Kean, 

Martinho de Satana do Vale Aguia. 

Fourth Witness, — John Ashworth, British mer- 
chant, residing in the Rua dos Sapateiros, in the 
parish of da Conceicao, aged twenty-eight years, 
sworn on the Holy Evangelists, and, according to 
custom, said nothing. 

Defence, page — . 

On being interrogated on the first article, said 
he knew the prisoner, as well in this city as in 
Leiria, where be had his family, and is much 
esteemed ; he never heard it stated that the pri- 
soner meddled with politics, knowing him to be of 
good character. The witness said no more on the 
second or third charge. 

To the fourth, he said, that in the month of May 
last, the prisoner told the witness he was going to 
Leiria, to spend the holidays with his wife, and 



283 

should soon return to Lisbon, where he had busi- 
ness to do, and said no more unto the end. He 
signed with the inquisitor, and 

I, Antonio Peixoto da Rocha wrote this. 

John Ashworth, 

Martinho de Santana do Vale Aguia. 

Fifth Witness. — Joao de Aurauge Guimana- 
rines, captain of mercantile vessels, residing in 
Rua de St. Bento, in the parish of St. Isabel, aged 
forty-three years, sworn on the Holy Evangelists, 
and, according to custom, said nothing. 

Defence, page — . 

On being interrogated on the first article, said, 
he knew the prisoner, William Young, and among 
the many times he had spoken with him, even by 
chance, on political news, he always found him 
impartial, with respect to monarchical govern- 
ments ; the witness said no more, either on the 
second or third charge. 

To the fourth charge, he said, that on the 23rd 
of last May, he accompanied the prisoner to the 
magistrate of the district of St. Isabel, to legiti- 
mate himself for taking out a passport for Leiria, 
where he is established ; and also on the 24th, 



284 



went with him to the police office to get a pass- 
port, and from there to the office of Mr. Abel 
Dagge, in Rua de Alicrem : there the prisoner 
agreed with a muleteer who brings fowls to Lis- 
bon, to take two small trunks to Leiria, after 
which, he (the witness) accompanied the prisoner 
the same day to the Quay de Santarem, where he 
embarked in a boat for Coregado, saying to the 
witness, that he had intended to go to Santarem, 
where he had business to do; but as he understood 
that that place was not quiet, he had determined 
to go direct home, and that on his return, which 
would be after the holidays, he would come that 
way if things were quiet. The witness said no 
more unto the end, and signed with the inquisition. 
I, Antonio Peixoto da Rocha wrote this. 

JOAO DE AURAUGE GuiM ANARINES, 

Martin ho de Santana do Vale Aguia. 

Interrogation Noted 

On the 7th day of August 1828, in this city of 
Lisbon, in my office, appeared Eugene Sullivan, 
whom I know as the delegate for the British Con- 
sul-general,, to whom I administered the oath on 
the Holy Evangelists, enjoining him to serve as 
interpreter to the witness to be interrogated, de- 



285 



daring his deposition in the Portuguese language, 
truly and faithfully, which he promised to do. I 
noted it, and he signed. 

I, Antonio Peixoto da Rocha, wrote this, 

Eugene Sullivan. 

Declaration. 

I likewise declare that the inquisitor of this 
court, Martinho de Santna do Vale Aguia, that 
I administered the above oath, and signed and 
wrote this. 

Antonio Peixoto da Rocha, 
Martinho de San tana do Vale Aguia. 

Sixth Witness. — Abel Dagge (agent to the Nor- 
wich Union, and Underwriters at Lloyd's, in 
London), residing in Travessa do Moinho do 
Vento, Buenos Ay res, and his office, at No. 10, 
Rua de Alecrim, age sixty-six years, sworn on 
the Holy Evangelists, and, according to custom, 
said nothing. 

Defence, page —* 

Being interrogated on the first and other arti- 
cles, which the interpreter read to him in the 
English language, who, after hearing the witness, 



286 



said, that to the first article, he knew the pri- 
soner many years in this city, as well as in that 
of Leiria, that he never knew him to be noted for 
a Freemason or a Republican ; on the contrary, in 
his conversations with him he always supposed him 
to be partial to a monarchical government, and not 
meddling with the established government of this 
place. And said no more on this point. 

To the second he said, that in the year 1818, the 
witness being in Leiria, there was there a theatre : 
he saw the rehearsal of a comedy, in which the 
prisoner was one of the performers. And said no 
more on this charge. 

To the third he said, on one occasion, in the 
time of the Constitution in the year 1820, he was 
in Leiria at the time of a festival, but did not 
observe the prisoner to be chief person, nor was it 
celebrated in his house ; the witness knows this 
fact by having remained in the prisoner's house at 
that time. And said no more on this charge. 

On the fourth and last charge, the witness, not 
being in Lisbon at the time, can only say, that 
before the witness left, the prisoner told him that 
he intended spending the Whitsuntide holidays 
at Leiria, and should be glad to see him there, 



287 

that they might come down to Lisbon together 
He said no more unto the end, and signed with 
the inquisitor and interpreter. And I, 

Antonio Peixoto da Rocha, wrote it. 

Abel Dagge. 

Martinho de Santana do Vale Aguia. 
Noted. 

On the same 7th day of August, 1828, in this 
city of Lisbon, and in my office, the following 
witnesses were interrogated by the inquisitor of 
this court, Martinho de Santana do Vale Aguia, 
presented on the part of the prisoner, which I 
noted here. 

Antonio Peixote da Rocha, wrote it. 

Seventh Witness.* — Antonio de Souza, muleteer 
on the roads, residing in Coimbra, and at present 
in this city, on a journey, and at the inn Patio 
de Inquisition, aged thirty-two years. Sworn on 
the Holy Evangelists, and, according to custom, 
said nothing. 

Defence, page — . 

Being interrogated on the first article said, 
that he knew the prisoner many years, his having 
often hired animals of him, and he had never seen 



288 



or heard him, when with him on the road, speak of 
governments or constitutions. Witness said no 
more on this, nor the second, third, or fourth. 

To the fifth article he said, that on Whit-Sunday 
of this year, he, the witness, was going from this 
city to Leiria, mounted on a muie, with bells on 
which he had come to Lisbon, with an official 
letter to the General Post- Office, and that he 
met with the prisoner at Carregado, mounted on 
a small mule, without stirrups, and continued the 
journey with him. They soon met with a militia- 
man, called Joao Pimpao, (t) who lent the 
prisoner a pair of stirrups, and so continued the 
journey to Alcoentre, where they dined at the 
inn kept by Dionizio, where he (the witness), 
considering the prisoner was badly mounted, 
offered him his mule, which he accepted, and the 

(t) Joao Pimpao is a nick-name ; this man has known me 
nearly twenty years ; he is a native of Leiria, and would have cor- 
roborated all the witness Antonio de Souza said, but the Leiria 
militia was at this time up the country, detached in different places. 
Letters could not be sent without being opened ; and had I written 
for this man, I should not only have had my letter detained, but in 
all probability it would have injured him. I was obliged to do 
without him. The colonel of the militia of Leiria is a staunch 
Miguelite, and I believe had some hand in my imprisonment : there- 
fore I should have sacrificed this poor man, whom I have alway s 
respected as a good neighbour, had I attempted to send for him as 
a witness in my favour. 



289 

witness mounted the one on which the prisoner 
had been riding ; that continuing their journey 
towards Leiria, and arriving at Alto da Serra, 
half-a-league beyond Tlio Maior, they met the 
22d regiment of infantry marching towards Lisbon, 
when some of the officers and others asked the 
prisoner if any troops had inarched from Lisbon ? 
The prisoner answered No," which was the fact, 
up to the day and hour we left Lisbon. They 
afterwards met two soldiers on the road, whom 
the prisoner knew. He gave them two pints of 
wine, without saying any thing more to them, 
when he left them, than " Good luck to you." From 
that place, they continued direct for Leiria ; and 
on arriving there, the prisoner remained in his 
own house, and the witness went on his journey. 
He said no more unto the end, and he signed with 
the inquisitor. And I, 

Antonio Peixoto da Rocha, wrote it. 

The witness of Antonio de Sonza's X cross. 

Martinho de Santana do Vale Aguia. 

Eighth Witness. — Maria de Jesus, married to 
Jose da Costa (u) keeping an inn on the bank of the 

(u) This woman was obliged to appear to come to Lisbon on 
business, or she would have run the chance of incurring the dis- 
pleasure of the abade or curate of her parish, if they knew she 
came to Lisbon as a witness in favour of a political prisoner. 

U 



290 



canal at Corregado in the district of Alenquer, 
and at present come to this city on business, aged 
thirty-one years. Sworn on the Holy Evangelists, 
and, according to custom, said nothing. 

Defence, page — . 
Being interrogated on the first article, said she 
knew the prisoner, and had heard say that he is 
married in the city of Leiria. And said no more 
on this, or the second, third and fourth article. 

I first sent a letter by a friend to this woman (by post, it would 
have been opened, and she discovered) , I received an answer from 
her, to say she could not come to Lisbon, as it would create sus- 
picion, and she might get into trouble if the curate of the parish 
heard that she went to Lisbon to swear in favour of an Englishman. 
She said she was sorry, but her husband might get into trouble 
likewise. 

When my friend came back, I despaired of having this witness, 
although I wanted her to prove my having slept at her house on 
the night of the 24th of May ; I sent a second time, when an excuse 
was framed for her to come to Lisbon on business ; her husband 
came with her to make it appear more like the truth. 

My friend told me, after she was gone, that when she entered the 
room to give her evidence, she trembled, and could scarcely speak ; 
had I not been on good terms with the escrivao and inquisitor, they 
might have suspected her, though they might not think her evidence 
the more untrue because she trembled. On the contrary, those who 
go to . speak the truth in favour of any one accused of political 
crimes, give their evidence with as much fear as if they were them- 
selves the accused. And although this poor woman wished to serve 
me, by simply stating the fact of my having slept in her house, she 
could not do it without dread and fear of being herself accused of 
favouring a " Malhado," and for that reason it was put down in her 
evidence that she was in Lisbon on business. 



291 

To the fifth charge, she said that she knew by 
seeing, that in the month of May in the present 
year, on the eve of Whit- Sunday, the prisoner 
disembarked in the Cut at Corregado, and slept 
at her inn, called the Hut ; on the following day, 
Sunday, in the morning, he left her house, mounted 
on a small mule, without either stirrups or bridle, 
there being no other animal there. The witness 
said no more unto the end, and the inquisitor only 
signed, she saying she could not write, and 

I, Antonio Peixoto da Rocha, wrote it. 

Martinho de Santana do Vale Aguia. 

Ninth Witness. — Manoel Mendes, house keeper 
at Poco de Barratine, in the parish of Santa Justa, 
aged thirty-four years, sworn on the Holy Evan- 
gelists, and, according to custom, said nothing. 
Defence, page — . 

Being interrogated on the first article, and being 
a native of Leiria, he knew the prisoner, and 
knew him to be married in that city, where he has 
his house and family, living in a very honourable 
manner, like a good Roman Catholic ; never heard 
he was a Freemason, or that he troubled himself 
with respect to the government. And said no 
more on this. 

To the second article, he said he knew, by see- 
u 2 



292 

ing, that before the year 1820, there was a theatre 
in Leiria, where the amateurs, people of the town, 
amused themselves by performing plays, in which 
the prisoner joined, he being esteemed by all per- 
sons, and that the prisoner gave no theatrical 
amusements in his own house. And said no more 
on this or any further charge, to the end, and 
signed with the inquisitor. 

I, Antonio Peixoto da Rocha, wrote it. 

Manoel Mendes, 

Martinho de Santana do Vale Aguia. 

I continued sight (witnessed) to the prisoner's 
attorney, 

Antonio Peixoto da Rocha. 

Sight to Dr. Domingos, Francisco Garandella, 
on the 14th of August 1820. Two audiences. 

Given, with the following reply, on the 16th of 
August, 1823. 

Antonio Peixoto da Rocha wrote it. 

The Prisoner's Reply, 
Although so necessary in times like the present, 
to discover and chastise the enemies of religion 
and the throne, for the comfort and maintenance 
of those sacred objects, and all faithful subjects, 
still we cannot deny that cunning and intrigue is 



293 

busy, with the view of satiating private malice' 
under the shew of justice. 

Such is the case at present with the prisoner, 
William Young, who left this city of Lisbon, in 
May last, in order to spend the Whitsuntide holi- 
days with his family. Little did he imagine, when 
he left Lisbon, he should be imprisoned, and 
treated so vilely as he has been, without the 
shadow of any offence committed by him against 
the state or the religion of Portugal, either in 
Lisbon or any other part of the kingdom. 

The prisoner resided in the city of Leiria, where 
he has his house and family. Justice has already 
mentioned that in the process, pages (15 and 18), 
as well as in many of the acts in the process, that 
the prisoner went direct from this city to his own 
house, and the same process declares he was made 
a prisoner in his own house. 

We will examine the crime. 

The first thing that leads to it is the official let- 
ter from the Juis de Fora of Obidos, dated at Rio 
Maior, 25th of May, addressed to the brigadier 
commanding the advance guard of the faithful 
troops, stating, " that at that moment the prisoner 
passed, armed as a postilion, that there were just 
suspicions of his being a spy, and of being em- 



294 

ployed in a correspondence with the rebels, and 
praying for his apprehension," 

The brigadier, in virtue of the said requisi- 
tion, caused the prisoner to be taken on the 
26th May, when he was quiet in his own house, 
and gave notice by an official letter, (page — ) to 
the Vice Rector of Coimbra, the highest authority 
then in Leiria, who sent the letter to the corre- 
gidor of Leiria, to proceed accordingly in ordering 
the arrest. 

We must here make a reflection, that is of im- 
portance in the prisoner's defence, and shews his 
entire innocence. 

The prisoner passed through Rio Maior, on the 
25th, and at the same moment an order was sent 
for his imprisonment, (see page — ) on the 26th. 
In the morning he arrived at his house, and on 
the same evening was made a prisoner. How then 
can it be presumed, for a moment, that he was 
going to the rebels ? If the prisoner had enter- 
tained such intention, nothing could have stopped 
him, he would undoubtedly have taken leave of 
his family, and gone on to meet the rebel troops. 

The corregidor of the district (who had no 
other authority for his proceedings than the official 
letters above mentioned,) declares in the process, 



295 

(page 16) " that he was informed, not only by the 
information given by the Juis de Fora, but by 
others, and many persons,* that the prisoner re- 
siding in that city, had at all times shewn himself 
a desperate Republican, and a Mason, and that he 
was generally reported to be a Freemason, and 
that now he was accustomed to be a spy, and 
carrier of news to the rebels, spreading terrifying 
news, &c. &c." 

There we have the basis of the proceedings : — 
official letters which give a statement of the 
prisoner's crime. Now let us examine the proofs. 

The first witness, Jose Maria Baptista, swears, 
by its being public, that the prisoner is a des- 
perate Republican, and at present a spy to the 
rebels, that he informed them of what is going on 
in Leiria. 

If the prisoner had been in Lisbon since March, 
and arrived at Leiria, on the 26th of May, and was 
made a prisoner that evening in his own house, 
how could he acquaint the rebels with what was 
going on there ? It is clear that all this witness 
wished, was to criminate the prisoner; but he 



* These many persons did not exceed two men and a woman, 
whom we shall presently speak. 



296 

did not recollect that his deposition would appear 
false, as is clearly to be seen ; and what credit 
should be given to any thing further he may say : 
however, let us continue. 

He further says, that his regiment being lately 
in Rio Maior, in direction for Lisbon, and the 
prisoner going from it, mounted, and meeting with 
Captain Aparicia, who asked the prisoner the 
news of Lisbon, he answered, the 8th battalion of 
cacadores, and the 4th regiment of infantry, had 
rebelled against Don Miguel, and that no troops 
were going up the country ; the witness conti- 
nued to say, that on the same day, the 16th regi- 
ment arrived at Rio Maior. 

The falsity of this witness is plain to be seen, 
in the second part of his deposition. The pass- 
port shews, that the prisoner left Lisbon on the 
24th, and went by water to Caregado, and by the 
interrogatories, (page— ) that he slept there, and 
on the 25th, he met, half a league beyond Rio 
Maior, the 22d regiment. Every one knows that 
the 16th regiment left this capital on the 25th of 
May ; how was it possible it could reach Rio 
Maior the same day ? 

And further, this witness refers to Captain 



297 

Aparicia ; why was not Captain Aparicia called ? 
why, because the plan was to criminate the pri- 
soner at any rate. 

The second witness says, in the beginning of his 
evidence, the same as the former witness, and in 
the same words. I shall answer him likewise in 
the same words. This shews that there must 
have been a combination between them with re- 
spect to what the prisoner said ; and it was true, 
that on the 24th, when the prisoner left Lisbon, 
no troops had marched : this witness further says, 
that he knew, by hearing two recruits say, that 
the prisoner had given them a great deal of wine, 
and told them not to go to Lisbon, but in pre- 
ference to go upwards. 

Nothing can be more absurd. Who could for 
a moment suppose there was a man so foolish as 
to persuade two recruits, in the centre of their 
regiment, on the march, to desert their colours, 
and follow another party ? This witness did not 
remember to name the recruits, or the magistrate 
to ask their names ; but the prisoner has sincerely 
declared the fact. 

The prisoner possesses lands in Leiria, where, 
as in many other places, soldiers are employed in 
labour. The prisoner, on returning to his home, 



298 

met, on the march, two soldiers, whom he knew, 
and offered them some wine, which they drank, 
and at parting the prisoner said, " Good luck to 
you." If that can be termed " seducing soldiers/' 
the prisoner does not deny the seduction, and is 
confident that no man of understanding will con- 
sider it in that view. 

The third witness, Antonio dos Santos, swears 
abstractedly. In the first part of his evidence, he 
says he has observed the conduct of the prisoner, 
and knows he was always fond of that factious 
party called Constitutional ; and further says, that 
his regiment being on the march for Lisbon, and 
the prisoner going to Leiria, the above corporal 
asked the prisoner the news, the prisoner answered 
as before. 

This witness differs from the others, who say 
that on the same day they met the prisoner, 25th 
May, the 16th regiment arrived at Rio Maior, and 
the witness says that on the following day, his 
regiment met with the 16th and the 8th cacadores. 
In this part of the story they lost their combination. 

The witnesses that follow (page 37 and forward), 
and who are the many persons spoken of by the 
corregidor of Leiria, are people of little credit, 
and enemies to the prisoner, which he would show 



299 

was he not confined in prison, and obliged to abbre- 
viate as much as possible his defence ; but by their 
own words these witnesses confound themselves. 
Joao Pereira da Silva, a man without any trade or 
known means of obtaining his livelihood, (to which 
he owns, by saying that he lived by his ways and 
means,) says the prisoner was always noted for, 
and called a Republican and Mason, and that he 
swears by seeing, with respect to His Majesty, as 
to the time he left this kingdom, which makes no 
proof, not only by the singularity of the statement, 
but by its being false. 

I must here note the falsity of this witness, as 
respects what he says, that the prisoner was the 
first man who made public, in Leiria, the embark- 
ation of Senor Don Miguel (this day happily our 
legitimate King), and that the prisoner said he 
knew it from Oporto. 

How is it possible that news coming from Lis- 
bon, arrived at Leiria by way of Oporto, making 
a tour of eighty leagues, in less time than it could 
go twenty-two leagues. Those who swear thus 
falsely cannot expect to be believed, and the rest 
of his deposition is hearsay, with respect to the 
news the prisoner distributed. 

The witness, (page 40), Joze Pereira da Silva, 



300 

who states himself merchant, swears, by seeing, 
that the prisoner is a Republican and a Freema- 
son, by feats practised, making dances and per- 
forming plays, and other diversions, shewing his 
great adhesion to the Constitutional system : no 
deposition can be more absurd. 

Every one knows, and it proved by the interro- 
gatories for the prisoner, that since the year 1817, 
there has been a theatre in Leiria, where the ama- 
teurs of that city amused themselves at all times, 
and the prisoner joined in that amusement, which 
is not, nor ever can be, a crime. It is certain that 
the prisoner never gave amusements in his own 
house to celebrate the Constitutional system, which 
is proved by the said interrogatories. 

The deposition of the last witness Anna Joa- 
quina, (page 41), will with little difficulty be 
proved false. 

She says that the prisoner now, when he ar- 
rived from Lisbon, said publicly from his win- 
dow, that no troops would leave Lisbon, which 
was found to be false, for the next day the 16th 
regiment, &c. arrived at Leiria, but that he said, 
at the same time that Don Miguel was coming 
up the country. 

The prisoner arrived at his house on the morn- 



301 

ing of the 26th, tired, and in the evening was con- 
fined ; when could he spread this news, except on 
the 25th, which he denies. 

We will convince the witness, with her own de- 
position given : — we deny that the prisoner spread 
the said news on the 26th ; how could the regi- 
ments arrive at Leiria on the 27th, the first troops 
having left Lisbon on the 25th ? 

The contradiction of this witness should not be 
forgotten in another object ; she said the prisoner 
rumoured that no troops were coming up the 
country — it is certain that the prisoner said neither 
one thing nor the other. 

What is here said will prove that the prisoner's 
crime was purposely arranged, for which they 
procured these six witnesses, when at that time 
all the other persons declared in their depositions 
that the prisoner was in Leiria, and remained 
there many days. 

Let us compare the prisoner's defence with the 
accusation against him (page 12), and we shall 
immediately discover his innocence. 

The depositions, or, more properly speaking, the 
witnesses of the process, accuse the prisoner of 
ingratitude to the country in which he has re- 



302 

sided, and of meddling with the government, and 
assisting its enemies. 

The prisoner shews by his interrogation of wit- 
nesses (page 51), evidence above all exception, 
that he was always a lover of the legitimate go- 
vernment, and never meddled with its forms or 
institutions, or ever spoke disrespectfully of the 
present King — that he was never either a Freema- 
son or a Republican ; but, on the contrary, he did 
not approve of that form of government. These 
witnesses swore to the facts by their communica- 
tion with the prisoner, and those against him, by 
hearsay, without stating the persons from whom 
they heard such reports. 

He further shews, by the same interrogatories, 
and by his passport, (page 24), that having re- 
mained in this city (Lisbon) from the month of 
March until Whitsuntide in the present year; 
and having intended to spend the holidays with 
his family at Leiria, he embarked at the Quay de 
Santerem, and disembarked in the Cut at Carre- 
gado, and remained at the inn near the place of 
disembarkation, on the night of the 24th May ; 
and in the morning of the 25th, there being no 
mule for hire, except a small mule without stir- 



303 

rups or bridle, he hired that, and proceeded on 
his journey. 

Soon after he met with a militiaman of Leiria 5 
called Joao Pimpao, who lent the prisoner a pair 
of stirrups, and continued their journey together 
as far as Alcoentre, at which place the muleteer 
Antonio de Souza, (witness page 60), mounted 
on a mule, with a collar of bells, offered the said 
mule to the prisoner, that he might, with more 
comfort, ride the rest of the journey. 

That pursuing their journey, and arriving half a 
league beyond Rio Maior, at Alto de Serra, they 
met, on the march, the 22d regiment, and were 
asked by some of them, " if any troops had left 
Lisbon," to which the prisoner answered, " No 
and certainly they had not, for on the 24th they 
did not march. They likewise met two soldiers, 
whom the prisoner knew. He gave them some 
wine, took leave of them, and continued his 
journey to Leiria, where he quietly entered his 
own house. 

Combining the proofs according to law, there- 
fore, they have all the validity required in favour 
of the prisoner, and of his defence, as much 
by the number of the witnesses, as by the re- 
spectable quality of them, their depositions give a 



304 

full and clear proof in favour of the prisoner, and 
destroy all suspicion of the crime. 

It was always the will of our royal sovereigns 
that crimes should not remain unpunished, and 
that all culprits should be chastised, as an ex- 
ample to others, and a satisfaction to offended 
justice : thus our legal writers always express 
themselves. To inflict a sentence, it is necessary 
the proof should be clear and undoubted ; and in 
case a doubt should arise, they advise that it is 
better to liberate a culprit than punish the inno- 
cent ; it is more the duty of the legislator to look 
to the preservation of the subjects, than to the 
punishments of justice. 

It is not necessary to make this reflection with 
respect to the prisoner ; his crime has been 
founded merely on suspicion ; and the facts his 
accusers wish to allege are completely defeated 
by the prevarication and false depositions of 
witnesses against him, as well as by the proofs in 
his favour. 

The prisoner hopes that justice, which has 
been deceived to persecute him, will be unde- 
ceived, and judge him innocent, ordering his name 
to be erased from the book of criminals, and re- 
store him to his liberty, with full and just right 



305 

to proceed against the witnesses in his case, in 
order that another innocent man may not fall a 
victim to their false swearing. 

Garandilla. 
I concluded this, and wrote it, 

Antonio Peixoto da Rocha. 
Final conclusion, 200 reis. 

Sentence on the Prisoner, given in the British Judge 
Conservator's Court. 

On reviewing this process, &c. it sheweth that the 
prisoner was apprehended by virtue of an official 
letter from the Juis de Fora of Obidos, (page 16,) 
addressed to Brigadier Manoel Caitano Teixiro 
Pinto, informing him that the prisoner passed 
through the town of Rio Maior, armed as a postil- 
ion ; and that there was just suspicion of his being 
a spy, and employed in correspondence with the 
rebels, &c. And in the process, (page 17,) it is 
declared, not only by the said official letter, but 
by many other persons, it was known that at 
all times the prisoner had shewn himself a des- 
perate Republican, and generally taken for a 
Mason and a Freemason, and at present in the 
habit of being a spy, and carrier of news to the 
rebels, distributing terrifying news as he did, 



306 

going from Lisbon, and arriving at Rio Maior, 
where he told the soldiers and officers of the 
22d regiment, that no troops were coming from 
Lisbon, that the 4th regiment of infantry, and 
8th battalion of cacadores had revolted, which 
on the same day was found to be false. And 
further, it appears that he gave wine to some 
recruits of the 22d regiment in Rio Maior, and 
told them they had better go to Coimbra, and not 
to Lisbon, where they were going : shewing at 
the same time great satisfaction for the rebellion 
in Oporto, and on these accusations the witnesses 
were examined who formed the crime. 

The prisoner, in his defence, (page 22,) denies 
the facts he is charged with, and produces, as a 
proof, the witnesses examined, (page 51,) which 
depositions explain some of the circumstances 
that caused the prisoner to be suspected, and 
diminished altogether the accusation of the wit- 
nesses against him. The witness (page 60,) 
gives reason why the prisoner appeared like a 
postilion, which justly roused the suspicion of the 
Juis de Fora de Obidos, at a time when prudence 
required that every precaution should be taken 
for the public security. On examining a depo- 
sition so circumstantially to the fact, and corro- 



307 

borated by the witness, (page 62,) it must be 
judged that that fact was casual, and nothing can 
be brought against the prisoner from it. 

The accusation of Freemason, Republican, and 
spy to the rebels, by some of the witnesses in the 
prosecution, are not only vague, by their not 
declaring facts to corroborate them, but proved 
to be false by the witnesses examined, some of 
whom swear, by having seen, that the theatre 
which they make the prisoner the author of, for 
the celebration of the Constitution in 1820, existed 
years before ; and moreover, that the prisoner 
had not a greater share in these amusements than 
the rest of the inhabitants of Leiria ; neither did 
he give amusements in his own house to celebrate 
the Constitutional system: the facts of the pri- 
soner having left Lisbon with a regular passport, 
and his being taken in his own house, are decidedly 
in his favour. 

On the contrary, the three witnesses criminate 
him, who have sworn that at Rio Maior, he 
spread false, terrifying news, and that he gave 
wine to some recruits, telling them they had 
better go to Coimbra. The prisoner declares 
these witnesses false, for having sworn that the 
same day they saw the prisoner, they met the 

x 2 



308 



troops that came from Lisbon, and says that he 
only told them, when he left Lisbon, that no 
troops had marched ; that he gave two pints of 
wine to two soldiers, whom he was acquainted 
with, by their having worked on his farm. 

Although the prisoner has produced, on his 
defence, the witness, (page 60,) his deposition 
being single, cannot destroy the three witnesses 
examined, which, according to law, deserve cre- 
dit, as far as they combine. 

Accordingly, in consideration of the time the 
prisoner has suffered in prison, I now order, that 
he be liberated from prison, and that he do 
immediately sign an obligation not to meddle, 
either directly or indirectly, with the political 
institutions of Portugal, on pain of being punished 
according to the laws, as a disturber of the public 
peace. I also condemn him in costs and appeal.(z;) 
Antonio Thomas da Silva Leitao. 

Lisbon, 20th August, 1828. 

The above sentence, published without contra- 

\v) The Judge Conservator's appeals are sanctioned by treaty 
between Portugal and Great Britain. The judge appeals to the 
tribunal called the Relacao, more properly the Court of Appeal, and 
that court should, according to treaty, confirm or reverse the sen- 
tence. Perhaps my case was the first which had ever been thrown 



309 

diction in audience, given in the court of the 
English Judge Conservator, by him, the coun- 
sellor, on the 21st August, 1828. 

I, Antonio Peixoto da Rocha, wrote this. 

Intimation. 

I intimated the above-mentioned sentence to 
William Young, prisoner in the castle, which I 
certify. 

Antonio Peixoto da Rocha. 
Lisbon, the 21st August, 1828. 

out of that court, without being confirmed ; the treaty was broken 
by transferring me to the Political Commission. 

When the news arrived in the prison, that the above sentence 
was given in my favour, every one congratulated me, and were sure 
in their own minds that I should be liberated in three days, which 
was the period when the Court of Appeal sat. I myself also felt 
sure of my liberty, ard wrote to my wife informing her of my sen- 
tence. My friend, who acted as my attorney, had hired a chaise, 
and was waiting at the Court of Appeal until it was over, feeling 
assured of a decision ; but we were all surprised to find I was trans- 
ferred to the Political Commission ; this my friend said was a most 
scandalous proceeding, as it would delay me at least eight days 
longer in prison ; but nothing further could happen, and I certainly 
thought so too. 

But in spite of the existing treaty between Great Britain and 
Portugal, which provides for the trial of British subjects by a pecu- 
liar jurisdiction, in spite of witnesses against me being proved to 
have perjured themselves, I was still to be detained and ultimately 
half acquitted, instead of being, as I ought, honourably acquitted. 



310 



Citation, 

To transfer this process to a superior court, I 
cited the said prisoner. 

Antonio Peixoto da Rocha. 
Lisbon, 22d August, 1828. 

Fees demanded for Process during Trial* 



Reis. 

Oration j 800 

Sight 114 

Orders 44 

Term 56 

Conclusions 22 

Definitive Conclusion 18 

Stamps 520 

Attending at the Castle to put a Note in the 

Margin 800 

Counted page 9 120 

Page 9, V 240 

Crime, page 12 480 

Term, page 19 

Another Attendance 840 

Counted page 20, V 420 

Page 25, V. and page 27, V 480 



3J1 



Reis 

Term, page 27, and attendance 840 

Ditto, page 28, V 480 

Counted page 30 600 

Counted page 43 780 

Ditto, page 50, V 420 

Intimation of Sentence 240 

Signature 200 

Counting 684 



Amount. 

From the salaries or dues charged, deduct what 
has been received. 

Clerks Salaries for the Appendix. 



Reis. 

Oration >• 50 

Citations 24 

Non-suit 14 

Stamp ,. 40 

Notification for the Remittance 240 

Charge for the third of the Process 2740 

Counting 108 



Gomes da Silva, 



312 



Remittance. 

On the 21st of August, 1828, I remitted this 
process to the superior authority. 

Antonio Peixoto da Rocha, wrote this. 

Term of the Reception. 
On the 23d of August, 1828, in the city of 
Lisbon, this process was delivered at my office, 
from the British Conservatory, in its present 
state, which I certify. 

Antonio Jose de sa Leao. 

Preparation. 

On the 23d of August, 1828, on the part of 
the prisoner, William Young, it was arranged with 
the court of the Relaeao, the signatures, papers, 
and nothing more, which I certify, 

Antonio Jose de sa Leao. 

Certificate of Imprisonment. 

I, Jose Joaquin Rebeiro d'Araujo, secretary of 
the prison of St. George's Castle, certify, that 
having examined the book kept for the purpose 
of inserting the prisoners' names, I find, page 226, 
the entry and notes as follows : William Young, 
Merchant, married to Maria Jose de Souza 



313 

Almeida e Silva, son of John Young and Jane 
Yonng, native of London, aged forty-four years, sent 
from the city of Leiria, by order of the intend ant 
general of the police of the court and kingdom, 
escorted by the 2d sergeant in the 5th compand- 
or the 4th regiment of cavalry, Antonio Joaquim, 
on the 16th of June, 1828. 

First note in the margin — -William Young remains 
under the orders of that authority to whom his 
crime may be distributed, agreeable to the order 
of the intendant, on the 17th of June, 18*28. 

Second note in the margin — This prisoner, William 
Young, remains at the orders of the judge for 
criminal cases for the crown, in which case I 
am the clerk. 

Caitano Machado de Mattos. 
Lisbon, the 30th of June, 1828. 
Third note in the margin — The prisoner, William 
Young, remains at the orders of the British Judge 
Conservator, to whom his crimes were sent, by 
virtue of a royal decree of the 10th instant. 

Antonio Peixoto da Roc ha. 
Lisbon, the 22d July, 1828. 

Fourth note in the margin— This prisoner, William 
Young, remains solely at the orders of the judge 
Antonio Caezario de Souza da Guerra Quaresma, 



314 



having been brought up to this court by appeal, 
of which I am clerk. 

Antonio Jose de sa Leao. 

Lisbon, the 23d August, 1828. 

There is nothing farther as concerning the pri- 
soner, in the said book, and notes in the margin 
to which I refer, and from which I ordered this to 
be copied, which is only signed by me. 

Jose Joaquin Ribeiro de Aurauge. 
Lisbon, the 23 d of August, 1828. 

Certificate in favour of the Captives. 
Antonio Jose de sa Leao, Clerk of Criminal 
Appeals by especial authority, independent of the 
corregidor of the districts of this city and Foreign 
Conservatories, by order of his Excellency the 
Civil Magistrate, &c, do certify, that in my 
office is deposited the copy of the decree of the 
29th December, 1679, with the 18th chapter of 
the regulations of the Mamposteros Mores, which 
chapter is to the following tenor — (chapter the 18th 
of the regulations of the Mamposteros Mores) — 
" I here ordain, that my corregidors, judges and 
inspectors, or any other officers that are authorized 
to exact fines, whenever they may so do, imme- 
diately to declare the half thereof for the said 
captives ; and in case they should not, and make 



315 



use of them for the corporation or chancery, or 
for the officers of justice, or any other parts 
determine, notwithstanding, that the half shall be 
for the said ransom of captives, and ordain that 
they may in this manner receive and execute this, 
agreeable to this my regulation. The half of the 
said fines I do appropriate for the said captives, 
in the manner aforesaid, and this without any 
contradictions to any of my orders and regulations 
that may be brought against it, and are not herein 
expressly mentioned; and, supposing that in each 
of them, express mention should be made to have 
revoked, and this shall only be understood as 
regards the fines only." The copy of the said 
chapter contains nothing more ; according to the 
tenor of which, I issued the present ordinance, 
which in truth I here certify. Signed by me. 
I, Antonio Jose de Sa Leao, wrote and signed it. 



Axtoxio Jose de sa Leao. 



Lisbon, 23 d of August, 1828. 



Prison charges 
Hospital . . 
Process . . . 



Reis. 
600 



400 



40 



Total . . 1040 
Distribution 600 reis (page 170) Verse of the 



316 

Fifth Book, 600 reis for the doctor, and 400 reis 
for the hospital, (No. 222.) note in the margin. 
I, Antonio Jose de Sa Leao, concluded and 
wrote this. 

Concluded with 600 reis. 

Lisbon, the 23d of August, 1828, 

It is decided in council at the Relaeao that they 
do not take this cause into their court, consider- 
ing the nature of the crime, it belonging to the 
commission created by a decree of the 15th instant, 
where they ordered it to be remitted. 

GUERRA, MORAIS E BRITTO, FeRRAS, 

Sa Lopez Macedo. 
Lisbon, the 23d of August, 1828. 

Publication, 

The above resolution was published in this 
court on the 25th of August, 1828. 

I, Antonio Jose de sa Leao, wrote it. 

Intimation, 

I intimated to the prisoner, William Young, the 
above publication, and cited him for the remit- 
tance of the process to the commission, according 



317 

to the resolution which I here certify the 25th of 
August, 1828. 

Antonio Joze de sa Leao. 

I concluded and wrote this, 

Antonio Joze de sa Leao. 
To the Illustrious Senhor Judge President. 
The commission according to the above resolution. 

Order. 

After being distributed to the competent clerk 
to be again concluded. 

Sobral. 

Publication. 

The above order was published in the Criminal 
Court on the 26th day of August, 1828. 

Antonio Joze de sa Leao, wrote it. 
Intimation. 

I intimated the above order to William Young, 
that the process was to be distributed accordingly, 
to which I here certify. 

Antonio Joze de sa Leao. 

Given in Lisbon, the 21th day of August, 1828. 



318 



Escrivao's Charges. 

Reis 

Citation 20 

Notes 14 

Sight of the Process 150 

Conclusion 22 

Definitive 18 

Total . . 224 

Attendance 800 

Counting 80 

Paper 40 

Intimation ........... 240 

Counting 180 

Total . . 1,564 
Sampiao. 

Remittance. 

On the 29th day of August, 1828, I remitted 
this process for distribution. 

Antonio Joze de Sa Leao, wrote it. 
On the 29th day of August, 1828 years, in 
Lisbon, and in my office, I annexed to this process: 
a copy of the royal decree, and certificate of 
imprisonment, as follows : 

Manoel Fermino de Abreu Ferrao Castello 
Branco, wrote it. 



319 



Copy of the Royal Decree of the 15th August, 1828, 

For just motives to me presented, I have 
determined to create in the Court of the Appeal 
a commission to judge all crimes committed 
against my royal person, and against the security 
of the state, that they shall be judged in the Court 
of Appeal ; and the president shall be Bernardino 
Antonio de Sobial Tavares, judges, adjutants, the 
Desembargadores, Jose de Ornellas de FonceaNa- 
poles de Silva, Jose Joaquim Carneiro de Carvalho, 
Bento Jose de Macedo Araugee Castro, Francisco 
deCastro Henriques, JosePereira Palha de Farria, 
Antonio de Sa Lopez, Francisco Roberto da Silva 
Ferrao de Carvalho Martins, Francisco Xavier 
Borges Riera Ferrao, and Antonio Jose da Maia. 
These being the number of judges according to 
law, and likewise entered here according to order ; 
in case of impediment or equal number of votes, 
the chancellor of the Court of Appeal shall serve 
as president. Be it thus understood. 

Signed by His Majesty. 

Palace of Nossa Sinhora dos Necessidades, the \^th 
August, 1828. 

To be registered. Mattos. 

Lisbon, 17 th August, 1828, as directed, 



320 

Registered in Book 28 of the Relacao, page 
115. 

The Book-keeper. 

Lisbon, 1 5th August, 1828. 

To be put into execution and name as clerk in 
these trials, the four escrivaos of the Criminal 
Court, for the crown, and to be noted by the clerk, 
Caitano Machado de Mattos, and he to give copies 
of the decree to the other escrivaos his colleagues. 

Sobral. 

Lisbon, the ISth August, 1828. 

This is correct according to the original. 
Caitano Machado de Mattos, Clerk in Court. 
Lisbon, 22nd August, 1828. 

This is correct according to that which I re- 
ceived, existing in this office. 

Manoel Fermino de Abreu Ferrao Castello 

Branco. 
Lisbon, 21th August, 1828. 

Certificate of Imprisonment. 

Jose Joaquin Ribeiro de Aurage, secretary in 
the gaol of St. George's Castle, do hereby certify, 
that on examination of the book kept for the 
purpose of entering the prisoners' names, I find 



321 

that in page 226, the following entry and notes 
in the margin : — William Young, merchant, 
married to Maria Jose de Souza Almeida e Silva, 
son of John and Jane Young, native of London, 
age forty-four years, sent from the city of Leiria, 
by order of the intendant-general of the police 
for the court and kingdom, escorted by second ser- 
geant of the fifth company of the 4 th regiment of 
cavalry, Antonio Joaquim, on the 16th June, 1828. 

First Note in the Margin. — William Young 
remains under the orders of that authority to 
whom his crime shall be distributed, by order of 
the intendant, 17th June, 1828. 

Second Note. — This prisoner, William Young, 
remains under the orders of the judge of the 
criminal cases for the crown, of which court I 
am clerk. 

Caitang Machado de Mattos. 
Lisbon, 30th June, 1828. 

Third Note in the Margin. — This prisoner, 

William Young, remains under the orders of the 

Counsellor British Judge Conservator, to whom 

his crimes will be sent by virtue of royal advice 

of the 12th instant. 

Antonio Peixoto da Rocha. 

Lisbon, . %%nd August, 1828. 



322 

Fourth Note in the Margin.— This prisoner, 
William Young, remains under the orders of the 
Judge Antonio Cezario da Souza da Guera Qua- 
resma, his crime having been brought before 
this court by appeal, in which case I am clerk. 

Antonio Jose de sa Leao. 

Lisbon, 23rd August, 1828. 

Fifth Note in the Margin.— This prisoner, 
William Young, remains solely under the orders 
of the judge president of the commission, 
created by a royal decree of the 15th instant, his 
crime being distributed to the clerk, Manoel 
Fermino de Abreu Ferrao Castello Branco, to whom 
I am adjutant. 

Joaquim Jose Pereira de Miranda. 

Lisbon, 28th August, 1828. 

There is nothing more contained in the entry 
and notes in the said book to which I refer. I 
ordered this to be made, which is only signed 
by me, 

Jose Joaquim de Arauge. 
Lisbon, mth August, 1828. 

Petition, (iv) 

William Young, one of his Britannic Majesty's 

(w") Such is the abominable process of these courts of justice, that 



323 



subjects, prisoner in the gaol of the castle, under 
your orders, clerk, Manoel Fermino de Abrea 
Ferrao Castello Branco, in consequence of a serious 
process formed against him in Leiria, sayeth, that 
being accused of the greatest perversities, as 
well as of meddling with the political affairs of 
the kingdom, the said proofs being sent by the 
British Conservatory, and was judged by the 
British Judge Conservator, who ordered him to 
be liberated on signing an obligation not to 
interfere with the political affairs of the nation, 
and he appealed accordingly, the process was 
then sent to this commission ; the prisoner being 
satisfied with that sentence, has nothing to say 
in this court with respect to the appeal : he only 
begs you will proceed to order that this petition 
be joined immediately to the process ; and that 

I was obliged to frame this petition, or the court would have 
ordered me a sight of the proceedings, and I should have been 
detained still longer on that account. What could I have said to 
them ? It would appear they ordered me to see the process again, 
for the purpose of refusing to sign the obligation : this they call 
justice! to prolong time, and cause expense and trouble to the 
unfortunate prisoner. Often when a defendant alleges a reason 
for not signing an obligation, he gets for answer, prove your reason ; 
after he has done so, the plaintiffs prove to the contrary, and the 
trial lasts as long again as it has already lasted ; this would have 
been the case with me, had I not understood it, and acted accord- 
ingly. 

* 2 



324 

in the conference of to-morrow, the said appeal 
may be judged according to the sentence, and 
that he may be forthwith liberated. The peti- 
tioner hereby resigns all right he at present may 
have in this court to shew his innocence, being- 
disgusted with his long period of imprisonment, 
and the losses it has caused him. He therefore 
desires his liberty, that he may be able to repair 
those losses. 

Begging you will accept this as legal process, 
And will ever pray, &c. 

William Young. 

Order. 

Let them come. 

Sob ral. 

Charges. 

Reis. 

Doctor 60 

Hospital 400 

Oration 40 

(Page 152, Fifth Book) 600 reis for the doctor, 
and 400 reis for the hospital. 

Lisbon, 29th August, 1828. 

260 Costa. 

Concluded. 

Manoel Ferminio de Abrea Ferrao Cas- 
tello Branco, wrote this. 



325 



Concluded on the sentence, page 61 — Crime, 
pages 14 and 31— the prisoner's petition with 50 
reis, on the 27th of August, 1828. 

GIVEN IN COUNCIL^ 

Board of Commission. 

They agree in council, &c, that it was badly 
judged by the British Judge Conservator, con- 
demning the prisoner, William Young, only to 
sign the said obligation in his sentence, page 60, 
which they revoke on receiving the process, it 
being proved by the same, and by witnesses 
examined, page — , that the prisoner spread 
false and terrifying news about Rio Maior, at a 
time when his Majesty's faithful troops were 
marching in direction for this capital, persuading 
them that other faithful troops in this capital had 
taken the part of the rebels ; thereby might arise 
consequences contrary to the service, altering the 
good spirit of the loyal troops : it is evident the 
prisoner should suffer a punishment according to 
his crime. 

For which they condemn the prisoner to sign 
an obligation that he will never return to this 
kingdom or its dominions \ and that he be escorted 



326 

as a prisoner on board the vessel that shall take 
him out of the kingdom, on pain of being punished, 
according to the laws of the country, should he 
return to it, or to the King's dominions : farther, 
that he do pay all costs, 

SoBRAL. 
OftNELLAS. 

Carneiro. 

Castro Henriques, 

Macedo. 

Palha. 

Lisbon, the 6th of September, 1828. 

On the 6th of September, 1828 years, in Lisbon, 
and in the house of the Judge Beenardino Antonio 
de Sobral Tavares, Judge President of the Com- 
mission, where I, the clerk, came, and he gave 
me this process, with the sentence or decision 
before mentioned, having been published, ordering 
me to intimate it to the prisoner. 

Manoel Fermino de Abrea Ferrao Castello 
Branco, wrote this. 

Intimation, (or) 
I do hereby certify that I went to the gaol 

(x) When the intimation of this sentence was brought to me, I will 



327 



in the castle, and informed the prisoner of 
the sentence or decision in council as before 
mentioned ; and he understood me, saying at the 

leave the reader to judge of my situation. Every one around me 
was as much astonished as myself. My wife hourly expecting to 
see me, or, at least, to hear, by every succeeding post, that I was 
liberated without any humiliating conditions attached to my ac- 
quittal. Indeed, the evidence brought against me was so completely 
rebutted by the witnesses in my favour, as well as by the cross- 
examination of the perjured wretches who were brought against me, 
that it was the opinion of every one capable of distinguishing between 
right and wrong, that I should have been completely and honour- 
ably acquitted, and immediately allowed to return to my family 
at Leiria. It was well known to all my friends that the accu- 
sations brought against me, were the fabrications of my enemies- 
men, however, to whom I had never given the slightest grounds of 
offence beyond that of availing myself of the privileges of unre- 
stricted intercourse with a large circle of acquaintance ; and I 
repeat most solemnly, that I cannot charge myself with having, in 
a single instance, offended or injured any individual, nor have I 
on any public occasion expressed myself hostile to the government 
of Don Miguel. The head and front of my crime was — that of being 
an Englishman, and consequently suspected of being favourable to 
constitutional principles. I knew full well the absolute sway of the 
priests and friars, both under the nominal government of Ferdinand 
in Spain, and of Miguel in Portugal, and I cautiously abstained from 
committing myself by any political declarations, which would have 
compromised my personal safety, whatever might have been my 
opinions or wishes for the permanent establishment of a constitution 
in Portugal. Even among my intimate friends I was cautious in 
not committing myself on this point. For notwithstanding the 
fidelity and high notions of honour which generally prevail among 
the better classes of the Portuguese, yet it is impossible to guard 
effectually against the system of espionage. 



328 

same time, in plain Portuguese, that he had no 
objection to sign the obligation as determined, 
which is as follows. 

Joaquin Jose Pereira de Miranda, 

Adjutant Clerk. 

Lisbon, Jth September \ 1828. 

Petition. 

William Young, one of his Britannic Majesty's 
subjects, prisoner in the gaol of the castle, under 
your orders, sayeth — That, by a decision in the 
Court of Appeal, yesterday, ordering that the peti- 
tioner should leave this kingdom and its dominions, 
after signing an obligation never to return to them, 
conducted as a prisoner on board the vessel that 
shall take him away ; and his having resolved 
and agreed for his passage in the English packet 
shortly to sail ; and the clerk, Manoel Ferminio 
de Abrea, refusing to write the said obligation, 
and have him escorted on board the ship, on pre- 
tence of it being Sunday ; the petitioner there- 
fore begs you will be pleased to order the clerk 
(notwithstanding his doubts) to put into practice, 
this day, the determination of the commissioners ; 
as all delay will be most serious, from the uncer- 



329 

tainty with regard to the sailing of the packet, 
which may take place every instant : all which 
he begs you will order, according to justice and 
custom, as you have already done in the case of 
Sir John Milley Doyle. 

And your petitioner will ever pray, &c. 

Order. 

The clerk will make every possible exertion to 
abbreviate the liberation of the petitioner. 

Sobral. 

Lisbon, 1th September, 1828. 

Obligation. 

On the 7th of September, 1828 years, Lisbon, 
in the gaol of the castle, where I, adjutant 
clerk, came, the prisoner William Young being 
present, whom I know, he told me, in the pre- 
sence of the witnessses Jose Joaquim Ribiero de 
Arauge, secretary in the said prison, and Luis 
Maria Pinto, guard in the same, (both likewise by 
me known), that according to the decision in the 
Court of Appeal before mentioned, and which I 
have just intimated and certified, he was willing 
to be conducted as a prisoner on board the 



330 



English packet, and in that to be transported out 
of this kingdom and its dominions ; and that he 
promises never to return to them, on pain of suf- 
fering the law as determined by the commission, 
with which he will fully and firmly comply. And 
signed this obligation with the said witnesses, 
after its being read to him by me, Joaquim Jose 
Pereira de Miranda,adjutant clerk, who wrote this. 
William Young. 

Jose Joaquim Ribiero de Akauge. 
Luis Maria Pinto. 

Receipt from the Commander of the Packet. 

Received, from Joaquin Jose Pereira de Mi- 
randa, adjutant clerk to Manoel Ferminio de 
Abreu Ferrao Castello Branco, clerk to the judge 
of criminal cases for the crown, the person of 
William Young. 

Thomas Swaine, Lieut, commanding. 

His Britannic Majesty's Packet Magnet, 
1th September, 1828. 

I do certify that I conducted, agreeable to the 
decision of the court (page 84) and the petition 
(page 85), William Young on board the British 



331 

packet called Magnet, where he remained, as 
will be seen by the above receipt. 

Joaquim Jose Pereira de Miranda, 
Adjutant Clerk. 
Lisbon, 7th September, 1828. 

This is according to the original. 

Manoel Ferminio de Abreu Ferrao 
Castello Branco, Escrivao do Corre- 
gidor do Crime da Corte e Cosa. 

Lisbon, \Wi September, 1828, 



CONCLUSION. 



Though the reader of the preceding narrative 
of facts may probably consider I have already 
established sufficient proofs of the atrocious con- 
duct of the infamous usurper now seated on the 
throne of Portugal, and exhibited the character 
of a few of the base satellites who surround this 
wretch, and are ready to execute any of his san- 
guinary mandates, provided they can glut their 
own malice on the unfortunate victims without 
compromising their own personal safety : yet I 
could not, without extending this work infinitely 
beyond proper bounds, enumerate one half of the 
disgraceful acts in the internal administration of 
Portugal, which have fallen within my own 
knowledge. 

Such is the abhorrence and dread which the 
Portuguese clergy and the inferior judges enter- 
tain of the spread of intelligence among the great 



333 

body of the people, that the mere fact of my 
being an Englishman was sufficient to mark me 
down as an object of vengeance ; and I am not 
over-colouring the picture, when I say that every 
British resident in Portugal will be subjected to 
nearly the same infamous treatment I have expe- 
rienced, if the despot Miguel be not hurled from 
his throne before this day six months. All 
Europe ought to make common cause against this 
wretch, as they would against a common pesti- 
lence. 

Previous to concluding my " Narrative," I 
should consider myself liable to the imputation of 
neglect of duty, and want of gratitude, if I 
omitted acknowledging the obligations I owe to 
the interference of James Robert Matthews, Esq., 
British Consul-General at Lisbon. 

My best thanks are also due to the gentlemen 
forming the Committee of Underwriters at Lloyd's, 
for their kind intercession with the British govern- 
ment in my behalf; and for their liberal con- 
duct on former occasions connected with the pre- 
servation of the high character of British mer- 
chants. 

I also consider it my duty to offer my best 
thanks to the Earl of Aberdeen, his Majesty's 
Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, for his 



334 



prompt attention to the representations of the 
gentlemen of Lloyd's in my behalf. 

I am well convinced I should have remained 
a prisoner in the loathsome gaol of the castle at 
Lisbon till the present hour (notwithstanding my 
acquittal), but for the remonstrance conveyed in 
the note addressed to the Portuguese Govern- 
ment by the Earl of Aberdeen, through the 
medium of the British Consul-General. 

I will here explain, in a few words, the result 
of the aforesaid note. — When the Political Com- 
mission assembled for the first time after they 
received my process, they took no notice what- 
ever of my case. And it being the last sitting 
which was to take place previous to what the 
lawyers call the long vacation, or the holidays, 
till the beginning of November, when the said 
commission passed over my case, I made up my 
mind as to remaining in prison a few months 
longer. But in order to shew them that I fully 
appreciated their despotic proceedings, I begged 
of Mr, Matthews to apply to the Portuguese 
Minister for Foreign Affairs, and demand the 
reason why I was detained in prison after a legal 
sentence had been given in my favour ? 

Mr. Matthews not only made this application, 
but he generously offered to become bail for me, 



335 

and even to take me to his own house, and be 
answerable for my forthcoming at any time, until 
the case should be formally decided ; but that 
gentleman received for answer, " that no bail 
would be accepted !" Fortunately for my free- 
dom, the remonstrance from Lord Aberdeen 
arrived at this moment in the Tagus. To a former 
application through Mr. Matthews it was an- 
swered, that " the laws of the country could not 
be inverted to obtain the object required." 

But to shew the proper awe with which the 
servile wretches composing the government of 
Portugal regard any thing approaching to a man- 
date from the British government, the note of 
Lord Aberdeen produced an immediate order 
from Don Miguel, summoning the Commission to 
hold an extraordinary sitting the following day, 
which was accordingly done: and, in conjunction 
with Sir John M. Doyle, I was, on the 7th of 
September, liberated from gaol, and conducted on 
board ship, under the most insulting condition of 
being obliged to sign an obligation to quit Por- 
tugal without delay, and never to return to that 
country. 

On my arrival on board his Majesty's packet 
Magnet, then lying in the Tagus, I drew up the 
following Protest, a copy of which I transmitted 



336 

to the British Consul-General previous to leaving 
the Tagus for England. 



PROTEST. 

To James Matthews, Esq., his Britannic Majesty's 
Consul-General in Lisbon. 

Sir, 

In justice to myself, to my family, and to my 
country, I feel myself bound, before I quit the 
Tagus, to present to you this my protest against 
the illiberal, unjust, and cruel treatment, which I, 
a British subject, have, since the month of May 
last, received from the agents, judges, and minis- 
ters of the government existing in Portugal. The 
treaties which unite Portugal and Great Britain, 
have been grossly and openly violated in this treat- 
ment, and to you, the only British authority now 
resident in this country, I am bound in duty, to 
present this statement of my grievances. I am 
about to return (being forced to do so) to my 
native country. I have been most unwarrantably 
and seriously injured. To my countrymen I look 
for sympathy — from my native government I ex- 
pect redress. Conscious of my innocence, and per- 
suaded that England will protect even the hum- 
blest of her sons, I, being thus driven from my 



337 

family, hope that I shall not in vain seek for jus- 
tice. My case is as follows 

I have resided in the city of Leiria since the 
year 1814, and have obeyed the laws of the coun- 
try to their full extent ; I defy any one to say 
otherwise. I was seized in my own house, on the 
26th May last, and dragged to the jail, where I 
was kept confined three days and nights in dark- 
ness, and in the common privy of the prison. I 
was eight days without any communication, or any 
person to speak to, except the jailer, and those 
whom he, after the first three days, escorted to 
obey the calls of nature in my presence. On the 
ninth day I was allowed to speak to one of my 
family, in the presence of the jailer and his wife, 
On the 1 8th day of my confinement, I was questioned 
in a most extraordinary and ridiculous manner. 
On the 19th day I was taken from the prison at 
Leiria, and escorted by a guard of a Serjeant and 
seven dragoons, and lodged in the prison of St. 
George's Castle, where I remained until the 7th 
of this month, when I was conducted on board 
this packet, and a receipt taken for my person. 

Since I have been here, I have heard that it is 
generally said in Lisbon, that I was liberated on 



338 

account of the repeated applications of the British 
government to the government of Portugal : this 
was only true in the last instance. The former 
admonitions of the British government have been 
treated with the utmost contempt. To one of them 
I knew the answer was, " that the laws of the coun- 
try could not be inverted for my liberation." I 
have, at a great expence and numerous difficulties, 
proved my innocence, and the British Judge Con- 
servator gave his sentence on the 26th of last 
month, by which I have been fully and fairly 
acquitted, a copy of which has been already sent 
to you. 

In conformity with the British treaties with 
Portugal, the tribunal called the Relacas, is bound 
to confirm or annul such sentence ; but contrary 
to all existing treaties, my case was transferred to 
a political commission, by which I was, in the 
most arbitrary and illegal-like manner, pronounced 
guilty, and ordered to quit the country. You are 
already in possession of a copy of such second sen- 
tence, and its connected obligation. 

Thus have I, in direct contradiction to all British 
notions of justice, been, by the established judge, 
acquitted of an accusation, and immediately 
afterwards pronounced guilty by an incompetent 



339 

tribunal, which sentence I am now compelled to 
undergo. By it, I was forced to sign the obliga- 
tion to quit Portugal, and never to return to that 
country. To litigate further the affair, would be 
attended with great expence, and a delay of many 
months in prison. Injured, as well in health as 
in property, I signed such illegal obligation, that 
I might obtain my liberty and breathe free air, and 
that I might be released from a dungeon, filled 
with filth and vermin, in the midst of scenes of 
misery too horrible for description. 

As a free-born and guiltless Englishman, I 
therefore protest against those sentences and that 
obligation. I protest also against all injury which 
has been done, or may be done, to my family and 
property ; and I thus appeal to my native country 
for justice and for redress. 

I have the honour, &c. 

WILLIAM YOUNG. 

On board his Majesty's packet, Magnet, 
in the Tagus, Sept. 13th. 



On my liberation from prison there was no 
English ship of war in the Tagus. Sir John 

z 2 



340 



Milley Doyle and myself were consequently 
obliged to go on board the English packet 
Magnet, then preparing for sea in a few days. 
We were not, however, without protection from 
further insult or vengeance of the wretches who 
thirsted for our blood ; for the commander of 
the French brig of war, Falcon, then lying in 
the Tagus, most kindly offered us his protection, 
so long as we should remain in the river. This 
officer sent his boat, commanded by an officer, 
with instructions to carry us to his own, or 
any other ship in the Tagus that we might 
prefer, and offered us every assistance we might 
require during the six days we remained in 
the river. Gratitude compels me to return my 
sincere heartfelt thanks to these French officers 
for their national courtesy and personal kindness 
on this occasion. 

After a passage of eight days, we arrived 
at Falmouth during the night, and went ashore 
in the boat belonging to Pearce's Hotel. The 
kind welcome I experienced from my country- 
men, contrasted with the infamous treatment 
I had received from the minions of Don 
Miguel, rendered my reception by the respectable 
inhabitants of Falmouth, a sort of triumph. It 



341 

not only afforded the best possible commentary 
on the blessings of being in a land of liberty, 
but it made an impression on my heart which 
death only can eradicate. 



APPENDIX. 



Since the preceding sheets were sent to press, 
the English papers have given, from the Lisbon 
Gazettes, a state document, issued by the Mi- 
guelite government, which so forcibly illustrates 
many of the statements I have previously offered 
to the notice of the English reader, that I shall 
be pardoned for inserting a copy of this precious 
manifesto, and for adding a few explanatory re- 
marks on its real character and tendency. 

Lisbon, October 22. 

DEPARTMENT OF JUSTICE AND ECCLESIASTICAL 
AFFAIRS. 

Most Illustrious and Excellent Sir : — 

His Majesty our Sovereign has been pleased to order that the 
Board of Privy Council shall not consult for the possession or ser- 
vice of officers, or other public employments, persons whose sen- 
timents are contrary to the monarchical form of government esta- 



344 



Wished by the fundamental laws of Portugal, or in whom there is 
not that fidelity to his Majesty which ought to be in all true Portu- 
guese, and especially in public officers, and even those in respect to 
whom the above cannot with certainty be affirmed, and there is 
therefore a well-founded suspicion ; and the Board, for the punctual 
fulfilment of this sovereign determination, is always to proceed to 
the most scrupulous investigation, by magistrates of acknowledged 
trustworthiness. And the Board must likewise prefer those who 
ceteris paribus, shall have given the most proofs of adherence to the 
said form of monarchical government, established by the fundamen- 
tal laws of Portugal, and of fidelity to the King our Sovereign. His 
Majesty is also pleased that the same precaution shall be used with 
respect to temporary promotions which the Board makes to offices 
of justice. 

Palace of Necessidades, Oct. 20, 1828. 
Luiz de Paula Furtado de Castro do Rio deMendonsa, 
Senhor Antonio Moniz Ribeirg. 

On the same day, a notice was sent to the Meza da Consciencia e 
Ordens, respecting the nomination for the churches and benefices of 
the three military orders, and for all offices and employments 
which have to be filled by it. 

Oct. 23. — The Gazette contains a long pastoral letter from the 
Bishop of Beja, exhorting the people of his diocese to be firm in 
their loyalty to Don Miguel I. and to be on their guard against the 
specious principles of liberty and equality, with which demagogues 
endeavour to draw into their pernicious system, those incautious 
persons who do not possess the necessary knowledge to discover the 
poison it contains. — Lisbon Gazettes to the 25th of October, inclu- 
sive. 

It is impossible not to perceive what is meant 
by excluding from office " those whose senti- 
ments are contrary to the monarchical form of 
government," or that 'vthe board must prefer 



345 

those who ceteris paribus, shall have given the most 
proofs of adherence to the King our Sovereign," 
&c. &c. 

This document, from the camera of the Holy 
Inquisition, wears on its face a more flimsy covering 
than is customary with the productions of the 
arch hypocrites who govern the councils of Don 
Miguel. 

I have no hesitation in declaring, that this 
document is not merely issued to exclude all Por- 
tuguese subjects from military and civil offices, 
except the reptiles who are base enough to crawl 
in the track of the usurper : it is assuredly in- 
tended as a prelude to far greater atrocities than 
have yet been committed by this nest of traitors. 
I fully expect to hear of still more infamous arrests 
and confiscations of property, under specious 
pretence of " protecting the fundamental laws of 
Portugal;" and inculcating "loyalty to Don 
Miguel I." 

The pastoral letter of the worthy Bishop of 
Beja, requires no comment from my pen, beyond 
that of thanking the reverend prelate, for bearing 
out the whole of my previous statements as to the 
complete identification and participation of the 



346 

Portuguese clergy with all the atrocities com- 
mitted by the usurper Miguel. 

In conclusion, I must also beg leave to add a 
few remarks on the present posture of affairs in 
Portugal. 

From my thorough knowledge of the Portu- 
guese character, I have never ceased to believe, 
since my return from Portugal, that the horrid 
tyranny now exercising by the blind and brutal 
inquisitors under the name of Don Miguel, must 
have a speedy termination. These atrocities 
will be carried on, till human nature, driven to 
frenzy, must produce a counter-revolution. 

Like the blood-hounds, who in France desolated 
that country with the butcheries of St. Bartholo- 
mew in the seventeenth century, and who, under 
the imbecile Philip II. of Spain, filled the prisons 
of the Inquisition with victims for the stake, 
these pious brethren of the Holy Inquisition in 
Portugal, are preparing an auto de fe> at no 
distant day, for the city of Lisbon. That 
such objects are seriously contemplated by the 
Portuguese bishops and clergy, I have the fullest 
conviction ; not only from my previous know- 
ledge of Portuguese affairs, but from the most 



347 

recent intelligence I have received from that 
country. 

Whether Great Britain, the ancient ally of Por- 
tugal, the defender of that nation from the iron 
grasp of Bonaparte — the framer and sworn pro- 
tector of its Constitutional Charter, under the 
auspices of Don Pedro — can remain an idle spec- 
tator of such atrocities, remains yet to be seen. 
I am too well aware of the horrors and desolation 
attendant on war, to become the thoughtless 
advocate for coercive measures, in cases where 
negociation might obtain the same result. But 
knowing too well the utter fallacy of entering into 
stipulations of any kind with such base traitors as 
Miguel and his servile crew, I implore the British 
Public, in the sacred name of Liberty — I appeal 
to the British Government, in the hallowed name 
of Justice, to take some immediate and decided 
steps, in order to save the more worthy part of 
the Portuguese people from the accumulated hor- 
rors which await them. 

Can the enlightened government of England 
contend with another nation, about an imaginary 
boundary line, or go to war for the possession of 
a barren rock in the ocean ? Can she proffer aid 



348 



to the enslaved Greeks, and enforce the emanci- 
pation of African slaves, and at the same moment 
remain a callous spectator of the most cruel 
violations, and most detestable moral and poli- 
tical slavery which has disgraced the page of 
modern history ? 

Could my countrymen be aware of the proud 
position they occupy in the breasts of all true Por- 
tuguese, they would make some effort to maintain 
that high station. From the universal system 
of the Jesuits, of encouraging spies and traitors, 
the Portuguese name has been too often degraded 
in the eyes of Englishmen. Because a few of 
of these traitors were intentionally distributed 
through the ranks of the Constitutional troops, 
the British public unjustly looked upon the great 
body of these brave men as traitors to the cause 
of liberty. Nothing can be further from the 
truth. Prom the most intimate acquaintance with 
the Constitutional troops of Portugal, I have no 
hesitation in declaring, (and my assertion, I feel 
convinced, will be fully borne out by many other 
British officers,) that in point of fidelity and 
bravery, and under efficient officers, the Portuguese 
troops are scarcely excelled by any in Europe. 



349 

During the late struggle for the preservation of 
Constitutional freedom, the suspicion of treachery 
from a few of the base wretches of the Inquisition, 
placed in every battalion, paralysed all their ope- 
rations for defence ; while the want of concert or 
unity of purpose in the commanding officers, 
led to the abandonment of the cause of liberty as 
altogether hopeless. 

Were the brave men who are now pining in 
banishment on the coast of Africa, or others, little 
more fortunate, who, to avoid the fangs of the tiger, 
have been compelled to banish themselves to the 
rock of Gibraltar or Great Britain — could four or 
five thousand of these men be again enrolled under 
the banner of Freedom, and landed at Oporto, or 
on the north coast of Portugal, the whole nation, 
except the despicable band of priests, would hail 
their presence with shouts of joy. Four thousand 
of these patriots, if secure from treachery, would 
drive ten thousand of the mercenary minions of 
Miguel before them like a whirlwind, and the mon- 
ster monarch would be compelled to abdicate, with 
far greater rapidity than he usurped, his brother's 
rights, and insulted all Europe. I must again re- 
peat that the British government stands pledged 



350 

by the faith of treaties, as well as by the sacred 
names of justice and humanity, to avert the cala- 
mities of the Portuguese nation. 

Let the cold blooded despots who rule the eas- 
tern portions of Europe, look on at this unhallowed 
crusade of priests and traitors with in difference or 
approbation ! Let those imbecile monarchs who 
are themselves the slaves of priests, outvie each 
other in degrading human nature, and retarding 
the march of human reason. But God forbid 
that Britain, the pole star of the world, the envy 
of nations, should continue to disgrace her name 
by supinely looking on at the atrocities now per- 
petrating under the mockery of religion. Let not 
the page of history record that England deserted 
her most ancient ally in the hour of necessity ; or if 
more immediate interests could give greater weight 
to the argument — Jet not England abandon to their 
fate the numerous British subjects who are identi- 
fied in their interests with the Portuguese nation ! 

I implore the Portuguese people to rouse from 
their lethargy ! I invoke them by the shade of 
their immortal Camoens, to shake off the horrid 
incubus of priestcraft, which, under the sacred 
name of religion, saps the vitals of society, and 



352 



grinds them to the dust ! I beseech them to rally 
round the Constitutional standard, and hurl the 
cobra di capello of the Inquisition from his seat. 
Lastly, I exhort, with fervency, the Portuguese 
nation to be true to itself, true to the cause of 
liberty, and she must ultimately triumph ! 



THE END. 



LONDON: 

SHACKELL AND BAYLIS, JOHNSON'S-COURT, FLEET-STREET. 



3 



